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SECT. IV. The Roman Liturgy.

It is now time to turn from this central nucleus of the service to consider the setting in which it is placed in the Roman Liturgy as a whole.1 It will be seen that this Liturgy corresponded more or less closely with the primitive scheme already described.

It consisted of three main elements: (i) the chants, (ii) the lessons, and (iii) the prayers, corresponding with the three classes of Service-books for the Liturgy, viz. (i) Antiphonale Missarum, Gradual or Grayle, (ii) Comes, Epistle Book, Gospel Book, (iii) Sacramentary.

Previous section

The Roman Liturgy as a whole.

The Roman chant, in its present form represents the result of a revision of the ancient liturgical music by S. Gregory at the end of the VIth century: the bulk of it has gone through very little change even down to the present day. It comprised two different classes of items, viz: six variable elements: (i) the Introit or Office,2 a psalm with its antiphon sung at the beginning of Mass: (ii) the Communion, a psalm and antiphon corresponding to the former and sung at the end during the Communion: (iii) the Gradual, a respond sung between the lessons: (iv) the Alleluia with its Verse sung at festival times after the Gradual:3 (v) the Tract, a psalm sung instead of the Alleluia at penitential occasions:4 (vi) the Offertory, an antiphon with Verses sung during the offering of the oblations. To these may be added as an appendix (vii) the Sequence, a rhythmical or metrical composition differing from the preceding, inasmuch as it was like hymnody rather than like psalmody, and did not begin till the IXth century.5

In the case of the two antiphonal chants, the Introit and Communion, at an early date there was a change made, in order to reduce the length of the singing, when the opening ceremonial .had been curtailed and the number of communicants had declined: consequently the psalm6 entirely disappeared from the latter and almost entirely from the former, leaving only a short antiphon to stand by itself for the Communion, and leaving for the Introit only one verse with Gloria patri and the antiphon twice (or according to Sarum use thrice) repeated. By a similar process of reduction the Offertory lost its Verses when the ceremonial offering of the oblations had come to be curtailed. But apart from such changes as these, the variable chants have remained marvellously unaltered and almost without additions since the VIth century.

The Chant.


Variable elements.

The case is otherwise with the invariable elements, which may be numbered thus: (i) the Kyrie, a ninefold chant (Kyrie eleison thrice, Christe eleison thrice, Kyrie eleison thrice)7 sung at the beginning of the Liturgy: (ii) the Gloria in excelsis: (iii) the Nicene Creed: (iv) the Sanctus: (v) the Agnus Dei.
Invariable elements.
All of these except the Sanctus and possibly the Kyrie are of later date. The Kyrie with the collect following is probably a survival of the old Litany introductory to the Liturgy,8 The Gloria in excelsis was originally a Greek hymn for Mattins,9 dating at least from the IVth century and possibly from the IInd and was translated into Latin at an early date; when first imported into the Roman Liturgy10 it was said only by the bishop in the Mass on Christmas night. Pope Symmachus at the beginning of the VIth century extended its use to Sundays and Festivals.11 It was not till much later that the use of it was conceded to ordinary priests at Rome except on Easter Day or under special circumstances. As the Roman Liturgy won its way outside Rome, these restrictions were removed and its use was extended; but it was not in general use in Rome till the XIth century. At the same date also the Creed was adopted into the Liturgy in Rome: but it had been so used elsewhere in the West since the VIIth century. The Agnus Dei began as a confractorium or chant sung by the choir during the Fraction: subsequently its use was extended, and it was ordered by Pope Sergius at the end of the VIIth century that it should be sung by both clergy and people. The fixing of the triple repetition and the change of the third refrain was accomplished far later still; not much before the XIIth century.12








The music of all these invariable texts was very simple: different settings did not begin to multiply till the Xth or Xlth century, and the Creed had one setting, and one only, even down to the time of the Reformation. They thus present a marked contrast with the older variable chants which were elaborate, and, when intended for solo voices, were even of immense difficulty and required brilliant vocalisation.13
In the English Prayer Book none of the variable chants have been properly retained. The Introit survived in an altered form in 1549 but disappeared in 1552. A small and novel collection of Offertory and Post-communion anthems were provided, but the former alone have barely survived, while the latter disappeared in 1552. The fixed chants were all retained, but in 1552 the Agnus Dei was omitted and the second half of the Sanctus was shorn off, while the Gloria in Excelsis was transferred to the end of the service. The effect of this was to give greater prominence to the Kyrie, and this was further heightened by another change. The ten Commandments were prefixed to the Liturgy as a penitential preparation, and the old ninefold Kyrie was altered to serve as responses after the several Commandments: the old petition — in its English dress, ‘Lord have mercy upon us’ — was repeated after each Commandment, amplified by the addition of the words ‘and incline our hearts to keep this law’ after the first nine, and the words ‘and write all these thy laws in our hearts we beseech Thee’ after the tenth.14
Relation of the chant to the English Book.
The Lessons of the Roman Liturgy from the sixth century onward were normally only two (the Epistle and Gospel), though on some occasions traces remained of the system of three Lessons, which was common elsewhere, and was retained in the Gallican Rite. In early days it is clear that the Lessons were sometimes simply read continuously from day to day,15 while on special occasions a special selection interrupted the continuous reading.16
The Lessons.
It is possible to trace back the special lessons of the Roman rite to very early times. The Comes or Lectionary was a well-known directory towards the end of the fifth century: the preface to it is a letter addressed to Constantius, who was probably Bishop of Cosenza at the beginning of the same century;17 and if the author was not really S. Jerome, as is alleged,18 it was some considerable person living in or near Rome not very long after his time. Internal evidence confirms this; for there exist many MS. copies of the Comes of various dates, and there is an original nucleus clearly underlying them all, to which additions have been made in different ways as time went on.19 In Carolingian times it came under the revising hand of Alcuin; and by this and other means the principle of continuous reading was dropped,20 and special lessons were provided for all Sundays, Festivals and principal vigils, fasts, &c., of the year, for every day in Lent, and for the Wednesday, Friday and Saturday in ordinary weeks.
The old Roman series.
The Epistles and Gospels in the Sarum Missal represent one form of, this old Roman arrangement.21 and from them the series of the Prayer Book is derived.22 The. most important change was that of curtailment: no provision was made for any days but Sundays or Festivals, except in Holy Week, and so the lectionary was brought back to a state even simpler in many respects, and less adequate than the elementary stage at which it began in the fifth century.23
continued in the Sarum Missal and the Prayer Book.
The Prayers of the Liturgy were contained with those of other sacraments in the ‘Sacramentary.’ The history of the central series of prayers has already been given, from which it will be easily understood that the Canon, or invariable part of the Roman Anaphora, was placed in a central position in the middle of the book. Round it were grouped the variable elements, those belonging to the Anaphora, § 2 and § 5, together with variable prayers inserted at other points in the Liturgy, three normally in the Gregorian Sacramentaries, viz. the Collect proper at the beginning,24 the Secret at the Offertory, and the Postcommunion at the end.25
The Prayers.

The Roman Sacramentary is extant in three principal stages: the earliest is that of the ‘Leonine Sacramentary,’ contained in a unique and mutilated MS. of the seventh century: it represents the state of things in the middle of the sixth century before the reforms of S. Gregory: it is purely a Roman document, but is not complete, and probably is a private collection rather than an official service book.26

The second stage is that of the ‘Gelasian Sacramentary’: several MSS. of this type are forthcoming: it represents the Roman Liturgy as current in Gaul, and modified by Gallican influence at the beginning of the eighth century.27

The third stage is that of the ‘Gregorian Sacramentary’: in its original form it represents the sacramentary sent from Rome by Pope Hadrian to Charlemagne at the end of the eighth century:28 but an appendix for Frankish use was at once added to it by Alcuin, and other modifications were made before it finally superseded the Gelasian Sacramentary, which was in possession.

The mediæval sacramentaries are mainly the various results of compromise between these two, though they contain materials which are found in the Leonine Sacramentary and elsewhere. A large part of the prayers is common to all three of the early types.

the old Roman Sacramen-taries.

Thus the Chants, the Lessons, and the Prayers are the three strands which together form the old Latin Mass: in course of time other prayers, &c., were added to the (Ordinary’ of the Mass, at first as private devotions, but gaining more and more of an official position: especially preparatory prayers (i) at the beginning of service for the celebrant and his ministers, and (ii) for the celebrant before and at his communion: or again, prayers connected with the ceremonial, (iii) for the incense, (iv) at the gospel, (v) at the offertory: or again, after the Canon, (vi) at the commixture, (vii) at the Pax, (viii) at the ablutions: and finally (ix) closing prayers.

These varied from place to place and very profusely: they made no pretence to be of the same calibre and fixity as the rest, and only had a very precarious claim to be included in Sacramentaries or Missals at all.29

Thus by a combination of these three ancient strands, together with the admixture of a varying number of semi-official devotions, the mediaeval Missals grew up, containing in one book all the various elements collected together. The following table represents the result of the combination: the different strands are represented by different type; the CAPITALS shew the musical items, the Italic distinguishes the lessons, while the items from the Sacramentary are in [sans serif] type; and the variable portions are distinguished from the rest by being indented.30

Additional devotions added subsequently.


1. Preparation, including the Collect for Purity, Lord’s Prayer, Mutual Confession and Absolution, Versicles, Collect.
2. Blessing of incense and censing.



Lord’s Prayer.
Collect for Purity.



Lord’s Prayer.
Collect for Purity.

3.     INTROIT (sung meanwhile).
4. KYRIE (d°.)
  KYRIE (IX.).
  Commandments and KYRIE (x.).

6.     Collect for the day.


    Collect for the day.
Collect for the King.

     Collect for the day.
Collect for the King.

7.     Epistle.
8.     GRADUAL.
10. Prayers at the Gospel.

       Epistle.        Epistle.

11.     Gospel.
12. CREED (on occasion).

CREED (usually).
CREED daily.
13. Dominus vobiscum and Oremus.
14. Prayers at offertory and censing, and lavatory.
15.     OFFERTORY (sung meanwhile).
   (Church Militant)
16.     Secret.

17. Salutation.
18. Preface.
20. Canon.
    Lord’s Prayer.



Lord’s Prayer.

Confession and Absolution.
Comfortable Words.


Confession and Absolution.
Comfortable Words.


    Prayer of Humble Access.

Prayer of Humble Access.

22. Prayers at Commixture and Pax.

  AGNUS DEI during the    

23. Prayers at Priest’s Communion.
24. Prayers at ablutions.

  Communion of Priest and people.   Communion of Priest and people.
25.     COMMUNION (meanwhile).
Lord’s Prayer
26.     Postcommunion.

27. Dismissal.
28. Closing prayers.


  Blessing at dismissal.
  Blessing at dismissal.

SECT. V. The First Prayer Book.

The table shows also in graphic form the changes introduced, in the Liturgy of 1549; the principal have been already noted, but it is well to point out one or two further points.


Edwardine adaptation.

The preparatory prayers were reduced to a minimum and almost all the semi-official devotions disappeared; the celebrant and his ministers were left almost entirely to themselves for their prayers at the offertory, communion and other times noted above: they were also provided with only a bare minimum of rubric,31 and even that was not generally provided except in places where a change was made, and where therefore the old customs needed to be superseded: since these were otherwise assumed to continue so far as was consistent with the new service.32

Private prayers.



The singing of the Gloria in excelsis and the Creed was directed as the normal course and the omission of them an exceptional thing; hitherto they had only been in use on a certain (and increasing) number of occasions.
Gloria and Creed.
A fixed collect for the king was affixed to the variable collect for the day, probably for the same reason as the similar change which has been noted in the Canon, viz., to comply with St. Paul’s direction in 1 Tim. ii. 1.
Special directions were made for the sermon or homily and for an exhortation on the Sacrament, and for the placing of the communicants.
After the Canon was inserted ‘The Order of the Communion’ of the people which had been issued in 1548 and since then had been hitherto in use in conjunction with the Latin Mass: the exhortations mentioned above were also drawn from the same source.33 A similar form of preparation was in use before communion already, but it was generally in Latin, it was not incorporated into the Missal, nor did the Communion of the people necessarily take place at this its natural position or even within the service at all.34

A corporate thanksgiving was provided for the priest to say on behalf of himself and all the communicants: this to some extent took the place-of the personal and private thanksgivings prescribed for him in the later Missals.

A blessing was provided for the dismissal of the people: it was the usual custom at low Mass at the time, though no provision was made for it in the English Missal.35


SECT. VI. The Second Book.

In the Second Prayer Book of 1552 extensive changes were made in the service. The new English Canon of the Mass was divided into three parts and considerably altered in language: the first section, the Intercession, was placed earlier, so as to follow immediately upon the offertory.36 This was consciously or unconsciously a return to primitive use; but on the other hand a great departure was made from primitive use by the omission of prayer for the faithful departed and the consequent alteration of the bidding by the insertion of the words, militant here in earth.37

The central section was retained as the Consecration Prayer; but in place of the invocation of the Holy Spirit the following petition was inserted, “Grant that we receiving these thy creatures of Bread and Wine accord to thy Son our Saviour Jesus Christ’s holy institution, in remembrance of His death and passion may be partakers of his most blessed Body and Blood.” This change was a serious departure from primitive methods in that it omitted both the direct prayer for consecration which was retained in 1549, and the invocation of the Holy Spirit, which, though not in the Latin Canon, had been inserted in the new English Canon. Dangerous consequences have also resulted from the ending of the prayer at the recital of the Words of Institution; since it ministers to the narrowest Western view of the doctrine of consecration, as being tied to the particular words; and further, the cutting off of all reference to our Lord’s resurrection, ascension, and heavenly priesthood is likely to obscure the true view of the nature of the Eucharistic sacrifice, as the offering which the Church presents on earth in union with our Lord’s continual presentation of His sacrifice in heaven.38


The Edwardine Revolution.


Dismember-ment of the Canon.

Its consequences.






The ending of the Consecration prayer at this unfortunate point was brought about by the transference of the third section, the oblation, to the close of the service after the Communion of the people. The purpose of the change is clear. The revisers, accepting the current western and mediæval doctrine of consecration.39 were anxious that the Communion should follow immediately upon it, and to secure this, they transferred, not only the oblation but even the Lord’s Prayer also and the prayers following it, till the later moment, after Communion.

Its object.


This involved a further important change: in 1549 the devotions for communicants from The Order of the Communion had followed the Canon, and in the old way immediately preceded their communion. In 1552; conformably with the above mentioned purpose, they, were set earlier, and were divided up; the greater part was set before the Anaphora, but the Prayer of Humble Access was inserted into it, immediately before the Consecration. The revisers thus obtained their purpose, and, by admitting no interval between consecration and communion, they minimized the danger, which there undoubtedly was at that time, of a false habit of eucharistic worship: but the reform was purchased at a very dear cost: the present position of the prayer of oblation is the main blot upon the English Liturgy, a blot which has carefully been removed in both the Scottish and the American Liturgies.
Further transposition,
In the process of transference the prayer of oblation also underwent considerable change; the commemoration of the passion, resurrection and ascension of our Lord — a most primitive and catholic feature — was perforce omitted as unsuitable to the new position, and for the same reason the prayer for grace worthily to receive the Sacrament was changed into a prayer for a blessing upon the communion received. It is less easy to explain why the mention of the ministry of the Holy Angels should have been omitted.
and modification.

Besides the redistribution and remodelling of the Canon and the transposition of the devotions for communicants, other changes were made: by (I) The omission of the Introit-Psalms, Agnus Dei and Postcommunion anthems, (2) The insertion of the Commandments and alteration of the Kyrie: (3) The transference of the exhortation from the sermon time to the beginning of the new ‘Mass of the Faithful’ to use the old formula, or after the ‘Ante-communion Service’ to use a more modern description: (4) The transference of the Gloria in Excelsis from the opening to the close of the service. Also ceremonial changes were introduced by (5) the alteration of Vestments; (6) the omission of direct orders for the offertory, (7) for the mixed chalice, and (8) for the manual acts in consecration. On the other hand provision was made for the first time for notice to be given of Holy Days, and fasting days, for kneeling at communion; and for the first time the Black Rubric appeared.

Such was the revolutionary revision of 1552: each revision since. has done something to undo some of its effects; but the English Liturgy still lags behind its Scottish and American daughters, and its best friends are those who would most desire some amendment and reform.

Other changes.

SECT. VII. The Present Order.

The principal features in the history of The Order of Holy Communion will be perceived from what has preceded. It remains only to go seriatim through the service as it is and trace the changes by which it has been brought to its present arrangement. This will involve some recapitulation, but it will also give an opportunity for touching upon some details which have hitherto for clearness sake been passed over.

The title of the service in 1549 was The Supper of the Lord and the Holy Communion commonly called the Mass. This was altered in 1552 to its present title, The Order of the Administration of the Lord’s Supper or Holy Communion.

The words of the first Rubric (1549) implied that there was time between Mattins and the Communion Service for intending communicants to signify their names to the Priest who has the cure of the parish.40 And the Rubric remained in this form until 1661; by then there were very few Parish Churches in which there was any space at all between the services,41 and it was therefore ordered42 that the names should be signified to the curate at least some time the day before.43

The Rubrics.

Notice of Communion.

The second Rubric refers to the case of notorious evil livers, or persons who have done wrong to their neighbours by word or deed, to the offence of the congregation. The third likewise refers to malicious persons. These rules, implying an efficient system of corrective discipline, are wisely retained for self-reproof, and as a means of showing what the Church requires in her members, though in practice they have fallen into disuse, partly because of the abeyance of the preceding rubric and partly from the uncertainty of their legal application. There is, however, no doubt as to the duty of admonition; and ordinarily conscience and public feeling will deter a notorious offender from Communion, if not from crime. In proceeding to repulsion, it must be remembered that this is in fact excommunication, which requires the sentence of a competent judge; and that no, private person may condemn a man upon common report as a ‘notorious’ offender unless he has been convicted by some legal sentence.44 The ecclesiastical rule is, according to the addition made in 1661 to the third Rubric, to signify the case of one who will not be admonished to the Bishop.45 The safety of such a step to the individual clergyman consists in this, that the Bishop is the party to institute legal proceedings, which he is bound to do, if the offender is to be repelled from communion.46

The fourth Rubric (1552) determines the position of the Priest, and of the Holy Table itself, together with its covering, at the time of Communion.47 Its language directing the Table to stand where Morning and Evening Prayer are appointed to be said, whether in the body of the church (as in parish churches), or in the chancel (as in cathedrals and college chapels), was meant on the one side to encourage ecclesiastical propriety, and, on the other, not altogether to condemn the laxer usage of the ultra-Reformers. It was re-enacted in 1559, but at once abrogated by the Queen acting under the 26th section of the Uniformity Act,48 through an order appended to the Injunctions, confining the Holy Table to the chancel.49 But the Prayer Book rubric was not altered,50 and was re-enacted in 1661 with slight verbal changes, and the addition of an order that the people should kneel.51 By custom, however, the older rule, which Laud finally succeeded in generally enforcing,52 has still gone on. The altars are confined to the chancel, are not moved at the time of Communion, and are set altar-wise. As to the position of the celebrant, the exact compliance with the Rubric thus became impossible, since the Holy Table no longer had a north side, and consequently the eastward position of the celebrant has been in use since Laudian times, and was recognised as legal by the Lambeth Judgment in 1890.53
The position of the Holy Table.
The Lord’s Prayer54 and Collect55 were taken, in 1549, from the devotions which had been repeated by the Priest and the other ministers as a preparation for the Mass.

The Lord’s Prayer and Collect.
The Ten Commandments were inserted in 1552, and the Kyrie was adapted to suit them; the direction that the celebrant should turn to the people in rehearsing them was inserted in the Scottish Book, and thence adopted in 1661 at Wren’s suggestion.56 The concluding response naturally followed the reading of the Law in a Christian service, being a prayer for the fulfilment of the prophetic promise concerning the law.57
The Command-ments.
The Collects for the King were composed in 1549,58 and originally succeeded the Collect of the Day, being said in the old way as a ‘Memorial.’ In 1661 the order was inverted, as it had been in the Scottish Book of 1637, probably merely for convenience and to avoid turning back in the book, or else to keep the Collect in close connexion with the Epistle and Gospel.59 The Collect for the Day, the Epistle, and Gospel, and the Creed,60 occupy the same relative position in which they had been placed in the mediæval service. The rubric was simplified in 1552 and enlarged in 1661, especially by the addition of the order that the people should stand; but the direction for the ascription Glory be to Thee, O Lord, was not reinserted,61 though it had been prescribed in 1637 with a second ascription to follow the close of the Gospel. Tradition has supplied the deficiency.

Collects far the King and for the Day.


Lessons and Creed.

The sermon or homily is a very old feature of the service, since there is mention of it in S. Justin’s account of the Liturgy in the IInd century. Its natural place was after the reading of Scripture, and a large part of the long series of Christian sermons from the earliest days to the present have been expositions of the lessons read at the Eucharist.62 In the later middle ages sermons were not preached at the Mass weekly, but only on occasions: consequently the restoration of the weekly sermon or homily was a special feature of the reform movement.63

With regard to notices, the rubric of 1661 transferred the time for them from the end to the beginning of the sermon and gave fuller directions.64


At the same time directions for the offertory, such as there had been in 1549, were restored, and placed side by side with those for the collection of alms for the poor, which alone was mentioned in 1552. The history is a little intricate, and the stages of change were as follows.

In 1549 the Offertory was to be sung by the clerks65 or said by the minister while the people offer; thus there was an opportunity for people to contribute to the poor men’s box, or upon the offering days66 to pay their dues to the curate. The communicants were divided from those who were not intending to communicate, and the elements were prepared and set on the altar.

The offertory.
In 1552, when the Intercession, which had been originally the first part of the Canon, was brought into its present position with an altered bidding, the rubric preceding it was: Then shall the Churchwardens, or some other by them appointed, gather the devotions of the people, and put the same into the poor men’s box, &c. And the words of the prayer were: ‘We humbly beseech Thee most mercifully to accept our alms,’ with the side-note, If there be none alms given to the poor, then shall the words, &c. The next change was that introduced into the rubric of the Prayer Book for Scotland (1637), which directed the deacon or one of the churchwardens, to ‘receive the devotions of the people there present in a bason provided for that purpose. And when all have offered he shall reverently bring the said bason with the oblations therein, and deliver it to the Presbyter, who shall humbly present it before the Lord, and set it upon the Holy Table. And the Presbyter shall then offer up and place the bread and wine prepared for the Sacrament upon the Lord’s table, that it may be ready for that service.’ Still the prayer itself only mentioned our alms, and the side-note only the alms given to the poor. At the revision of the Prayer Book in 1661, all mention of the payment of dues at this time was omitted,67 the substance of the Scottish rubric was taken, and a variety was recognised in the uses of the offertory. It was ordered that the alms for the poor, and other devotions of the people, should be received in a decent bason and brought to the Priest, who shall humbly present, and place it upon the Holy Table. And when there is a Communion, the Priest shall then place68 upon the table so much bread and wine as he shall think sufficient. Thus the scope of the collection was enlarged to include other offerings besides the alms for the poor, and the solemn presentation of the elements which was customary, though not prescribed,69 was again definitely enjoined. At the same time the words ‘and oblations’ were put into the prayer, and a corresponding change made in the side-note, ‘If there be no alms or oblations.’ The interpretation of the additional word is somewhat doubtful, but it seems legitimate to refer it either to the elements just set upon the altar, or else, from a more strictly antiquarian point of view, to the dues and offerings paid by the people to the clergy.70

The general history of the prayer has already been given, but it must be noted further that the concluding sentence of thanksgiving and prayer for the faithful departed was added at this same time (1661) to supply the gap caused by the omission in 1552.71






Devotions of the people.


The Exhortations are a special feature of the reformed offices. They have passed through many changes, not so much in language as in arrangement. In 1552, the Prayer for the Church Militant was followed by (i) an Exhortation at certain times when the Curate shall see the people negligent to come to the Holy Communion: ‘We be come together at this time, dearly beloved brethren, to feed at the Lord’s Supper, unto the which in God’s behalf I bid you,’ &c. : a new form, composed apparently by Peter Martyr at the instance of Bucer.72 Then followed (ii) another Exhortation, with the rubric: And sometime shall be said this also at the discretion of the Curate: ‘Dearly beloved, forasmuch as our duty is to render to Almighty God, our heavenly Father, most hearty thanks, for that He hath given His Son, our Saviour,’ &c.: a recast of the invitation in the Order of the Communion and the Book of 1549.73 (iii) Then shall the Priest say this Exhortation: ‘Dearly beloved in the Lord, ye that mind to come,’ &c.: the long exhortation of the Order of the Communion and the Book of 1549. The short exhortation followed:— (iv) Then shall the Priest say to them that come to receive the Holy Communion, ‘Ye that do truly and earnestly repent you,’ &c. This order continued until the last revision (1661). At that time the form of giving notice of Communion, which was adopted in 1548 but given up in 1552, was restored: the order of the two invitations was altered, and an alteration was made in the beginning of each, in order to include the giving of such notice; also the rubric directed one or the other to be read after the Sermon or Homily ended, on the Sunday, or some Holy Day, immediately preceding.74 The revised edition of (ii) was placed first, as being that which was likely to be used most frequently as a general instruction to communicants, and also a warning to contemners of the Sacrament; and hence the notice to blasphemers, &c., not to presume to come, was at the revision inserted here, instead of being, as hitherto, addressed to the communicants at the time of Communion.75 Peter Martyr’s Exhortation (i) was directed to be used instead of the former, when the people were negligent to come to the Holy Communion: and a change was made in the position of the two invitations, which henceforward were to follow the sermon instead of being postponed till after the Church Militant Prayer.76 In contradistinction to them, the long Exhortation (iii) was appointed to be said at the time of the celebration of the Communion, the communicants being conveniently placed for the receiving of the Holy Sacrament; followed by the Invitation (iv), which still retained its rubric, Then shall the Priest say to them that come to receive the Holy Communion,77 but the words in the Exhortation implying a congregation of non-communicants were omitted.78 because by this time all such were accustomed to retire previously.79

Three of the Exhortations mentioned above, together’ with the Confession, Absolution, and Comfortable Words that immediately follow, were derived from The Order of the Communion of 1548, as well as the Prayer of Humble Access, which is now separated from the rest, the words of administration (first part) and the ‘Peace’ prefixed to the final Blessing. The history of this Order has been given above,80 and its incorporation into the First Prayer Book has also been recorded.81 but a fuller account of it has been deferred till now.

It began with the Invitation to give notice of Communion and exhort to a due preparation, i. e. (ii) above. Then followed the rubric :—


Exhortation to the negligent.



Notice of Communion


Long Exhortation.


Short Exhortation.

The time of the Communion shall be immediately after that the Priest himself hath received the sacrament, without the varying of any other rite or ceremony in the Mass (until other order shall be provided), but as heretofore usually the Priest hath done with the sacrament of the body, to prepare, bless, and consecrate so much as will serve the people, so it shall continue still after the same manner and form, save that he shall bless and consecrate the biggest chalice, or some fair and convenient cup or cups full of wine with some water put unto it, and that day not drink it up all himself, but taking one only sup or draught, leave the rest upon the altar covered, and turn to them that are disposed to be partakers of the Communion, and shall thus exhort them as followeth: ‘Dearly beloved in the Lord, ye coming to this holy Communion must consider what S. Paul writeth to the Corinthians, how he exhorteth all persons diligently to try and examine themselves, &c.’
Order of the Communion (1548).

The Exhortation.


This is our present Exhortation at the time of the celebration of the Communion; i.e., (iii) above .

Then the Priest shall say to them which be ready to take the Sacrament: If any man here be an open blasphemer, &c.’ This clause is now inserted, in almost the same words, in the first Exhortation, giving warning of the Communion, i.e., (i) above.

Here the Priest shall pause a while, to see if any man will withdraw himself: and if he perceive any so to do, then let him commune with him privily at convenient leisure, and see whether he can with good exhortation bring him to grace: and after a little pause, the Priest shall say: You that do truly and earnestly repent you of your sins . . . make your humble confession to Almighty God, and to His holy Church, here gathered together in His name, meekly kneeling upon your knees, i.e., (iv) above.

Address to the communicants.


Then shall a general Confession be made in the name of all those that are minded to receive the Holy Communion, either by one of them, or else by one of the ministers, or by the Priest himself, all kneeling humbly upon their knees: Almighty God, Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, Maker of all things, &c. then shall the Priest stand up, and turning him to the people, say thus: Our blessed Lord, who hath left power to His Church, to absolve penitent sinners from their sins, and to restore to the grace of the heavenly Father such as truly believe in Christ, have mercy upon you, pardon, &c.’

The General Confession.


The Absolution.

Then followed the ‘Comfortable Words,’ the Prayer ‘in the name of all them that shall receive the Communion,’ and the Administration to Ministers first and then people with these words: ‘The body of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was given for thee, preserve thy body unto everlasting life.’ ‘The blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was shed for thee, preserve thy soul to everlasting life:’ concluding with the blessing: ‘The peace of God, which passeth all understanding, keep your hearts and minds in the knowledge and love of God, and in his Son Jesus Christ our Lord. To which the people shall answer, Amen.’
Prayer of humble Access.
A rubric ordered that ‘If there be a Deacon or other Priest, then shall he follow with the chalice, and as the Priest ministereth the bread, so shall he for more expedition minister the wine:’ also that the bread ‘shall be such as heretofore hath been accustomed, and every of the said consecrated breads shall be broken in two pieces at the least:’ and if the wine hallowed doth not suffice, ‘the Priest, after the first cup or chalice be emptied, may go again to the altar, and reverently, and devoutly, prepare and consecrate another, and so the third, or more, likewise beginning at these words, Simili modo postquam cœnatum est, and ending at these words, qui pro nobis et pro multis effundetur in remissionem peccatorum, and without any levation or lifting up.’

A second consecration of Wine.



In comparing this with the present service, the first point to notice after the Exhortations is that the rubric before the Confession was altered in 1661, in accordance with that introduced into the Prayer Book for Scotland,82 and with the exceptions of the Presbyterians at the Savoy Conference.83 The Confession itself had been composed in 1548, partly from the old Latin form,84 and partly from the long form in Hermann’s Consultation.85 A comparison of it with the latter shows how our Reformers kept in view the truth that’ confession was a personal action, an acknowledgment: of personal sins; and that it was not necessary to recur at all times to the sin of our nature, which in a confession seemed to offer an excuse for personal transgression rather than an acknowledgment of it.

The Present Office.

The Confession.

The Absolution is from the old Latin form, with an additional clause prefixed which was probably taken also from the Consultation, and which makes the formulary to be also a declaration of the need of repentance and faith in order to forgiveness. The Comfortable Words that follow are the scriptural statements upon which the Absolution is grounded: the idea was taken from the Consultation, but altered and set after the Absolution instead of before it.

The Absolution.

The Comfortable Words.

We come now to the more solemn part of the service, called the Anaphora, commencing with the Versicles and Preface. The origin and growth of this central section have already been dealt with at length, and only a few points remain to be noted. The number of Proper Prefaces, which had once been considerable, was restricted to ten at a Provincial Council held in 1175 under Richard Archbishop of Canterbury,86 so as to conform with Roman custom. In the Prayer Book the number was further reduced to five,87 two of which date from 1549,88 while the rest are taken from the old Latin.89 All the proper Prefaces in 1549 were appointed only for the day of commemoration: this was altered in 1552, in accordance with the old rubrics, which had appointed the Prefaces of these days to be said throughout their Octaves: that for Whitsunday is to be said only during the six following days, because the Octave is Trinity Sunday, which has its proper Preface, and which is said only on that day, in celebration of the Unity in Trinity.
The Preface.
The Sanctus is drawn almost entirely from the texts of Scripture, viz. the song of the Seraphim (Is. vi. 3) and the song of welcome at our Lord’s Triumphal entry on Palm Sunday (Mat. xxi. 9). This was inserted in full in 1549, but in 1552 the translation was altered, and the latter part, or Benedictus, was cut off.

The prayer of humble access formed part of The Order of the Communion, and remained here in the position in which it was placed in 1549, while the Invitation, Confession, Absolution and Comfortable Words were transferred to an earlier point. Two new rubrics were introduced in 1661 in connexion with the consecration prayer, (i) the marginal rubric directing the manual acts in consecration, which had been designedly omitted since 1552, though they were commonly retained in practice; and (ii) the rubric preceding the prayer and directing that the priest should stand before the table to arrange the elements in preparation for these acts in consecration.90

Prayer of humble access.


The present Prayer of Consecration, which is the second of the three sections into which the English Canon of 1549 was divided, consists of three parts:— an introduction expressing the meaning and object of the rite, a petition, and the words of institution. There had always been in this part of the service a commemoration of God’s benefits to man through Jesus’ Christ; it has been already pointed out91 that this part is here much more full than it was in the Latin Canon, and that great pains is taken to reaffirm a truth, which had then been strangely controverted, that the oblation of Christ once offered is a full and perfect satisfaction for the sins of the whole world. The second part of the prayer comes not from 1549 but from the revision of 1552, at which the Invocation of the Holy Spirit was omitted and there was substituted the phrase ‘Grant that we receiving these thy creatures of bread and wine . . . . may be partakers of His most blessed body and blood,’ differing from the phrase in the Latin Canon,92 and from that in the Scottish Office,93 The Prayer avoids at this point any express mention of the consecration of the creatures of bread and wine, and of the work of the Holy Spirit in consecration: it is carefully worded so as not to express any special theory of consecration while consecrating the sacrament: the prayer has already been offered that we may duly ‘eat the flesh of Christ an drink His blood,’ and it is enough now to pray that we receiving those creatures of God, may partake of that Body and Blood, truly and really,94 in a sacramental manner, according to the full meaning of Christ’s ordinance, whatsoever that may be, without specifying the hidden way in which the earthly elements are made conductors of the heavenly grace. The third part of the prayer comprises the Words of Institution with the manual acts, the taking the bread and the cup into the hand, the breaking of the bread, and the laying the hand upon the bread, and upon the vessels containing the wine, in sign of blessing and consecration. At this point the prayer comes to an abrupt end. The oblation and Lord’s Prayer are deferred and the communion immediately follows.

The Consecration.


Commemo-ration of God’s mercies.



The επικλησις

The Words of Institution.




The Administration of the Elements is according to the primitive order: the Clergy first receive in both kinds, and then the people in like manner, having not only Communion in both kinds,95 but receiving the bread and the wine separately;96 the people by the rubric introduced in 155297 are required to be kneeling, and since the same date the bread has been delivered into the hand of the communicant.99 The form of words used in delivering the elements has met with many changes. The earliest that we can trace were very simple, such as ‘This is the Body of Christ,’ ‘Amen:’ ‘This is the Blood of Christ,’ ‘Amen’; or again’ The Body of Christ, The Blood of Christ the Cup of Salvation,’99 and stress was laid on the communicant’s response ‘Amen.’100 In the time of Gregory the Great, it appears that the form used in the Roman Church was, Corpus Domini nostri Jesu Christi conservet animam tuam,’101 and a similar form ending, , custodiat corpus tuum et animam tuam in vitam eternam. Amen,’ was that which was customary in England before the Reformation.102 When this was adopted for the double administration in the Order of the Communion of 1548, not only were the words ‘which was given (shed) for thee’ inserted, but ‘preserve thy body’ was said at the administration of the Body, an ‘preserve thy soul’ at the administration of the Blood.103 Objection was raised to this distinction, and consequently in 1549 the formulas followed more closely the old words, thus: ‘The body of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was given for thee, preserve thy body and soul unto everlasting life:’ ‘The blood of our Lord Jesus Christ which was shed for thee, preserve thy body and soul to everlasting life.’ In 1552, entirely new sentences were substituted, more in accordance with the views of foreign reformers104 and avoiding every appearance of calling the elements the body and the blood of Christ: ‘Take, and eat this, in remembrance that Christ died for thee, and feed on him in thy heart by faith, with thanksgiving.’ ‘Drink this, in remembrance that Christ’s blood was shed for thee, and be thankful.’ When the Prayer Book was revised at the beginning of the reign of Elizabeth (1559), these two sentences were combined with the older formulas of administration.
The Administration.

In 1548.


In 1549.


In 1552.




In 1559.


The rubric directing a second consecration, if required, was added in 1661. It was already customary, a similar rubric had been inserted in the Scottish Book, and the attempt of a Puritan to administer unconsecrated bread and wine, when more was required, without proceeding to a second consecration, had been definitely condemned in 1574, though he could plead that there was no rubric to authorise him to do so.105 The directions are in accordance with late mediæval precedents which made the recital of the Words of Institution the irreducible minimum to be required for consecration; but in the earlier middle ages before the withdrawal of the chalice from the laity, additional wine was consecrated by simple contact with the Sacrament that had been already consecrated.106 When it was necessary to make fresh directions recourse was had to the later and not the earlier expedient.107

The rubric following as to the placing and covering of what remains of the consecrated elements upon the Lord’s table, also dates from 1661, and is part of the provision then made for greater reverence to the Holy Sacrament.

A second consecration.
At the revision in 1552, the Anthems were omitted which had been provided in 1549 to be sung by the choir after the Communion, as well as the Agnus Dei sung during the Priest’s Communion.108 At the same time the post-Communion service came, as has been shown, to consist of the Lord’s Prayer, a Prayer of Oblation or of Thanksgiving, the Great Doxology, and the Blessing. The Lord’s Prayer when placed in its present position in 1552 was also assigned to be said by the people as well as the Priest according to Gallican and Eastern custom.

The Lord’s Prayer.


The first of the two alternative forms following is the Prayer of Oblation cut off from the Edwardine Canon in 1552 and placed in this anomalous position.109 The second form was composed in 1549 as the Thanksgiving to be used at this part of the service. The Latin Mass was dependent upon its variable post-Communion prayers for the principal act of thanksgiving, and this fixed prayer which was provided in their place may be allowed to accord most with the thanksgivings which the primitive Church used in the same position.110 One expression in it is taken from the Priest’s thanksgiving after receiving.111
The Thanksgiving.
The history of the ‘Gloria in excelsis’ has already been given112 and it has been shown how at the revision of the Prayer Book in 1552,113 it was placed at the end of the service. This according to present arrangements appears to be its most suitable position. The whole service, indeed, is eucharistical; but as it was then made to open with the Law, and prayers of humble confession, it was most natural to put the hymn of praise in close connexion with the thanksgiving, which has always been placed after Communion.
The Blessing which was added at the end of the service in 1549 to take the place of the blessing that was customary though not prescribed in the Latin Missals, consists of two parts. The first clause taken from Phil. iv. 7, was appointed in 1548 as the close of the administration in ‘The Order of the Communion’; the second clause is that which was habitually used at the close of the special blessing which the Bishop, when he celebrated, pronounced after the Canon was completed;114 it was probably also the form used in giving the customary blessing at the end of Mass.115
The Blessing.
Of the six Collects to be said after the offertory when there is no communion, &c., the first, second and fourth were taken from ancient offices,116 the others were composed in 1549. They seemed to have been placed here for use as post-communion collects as well as for days when there was no communion. This is shown by their position here and also by the rubric in the corresponding position in the ordination services.

The Collects.
The direction for the ‘ante-communion service’ is an attempt to revive the old custom, current in primitive times, of saying the introductory part of the Liturgy on solemn days when there was no celebration of the whole. In the book of 1549 this, together with the Litany, was prescribed for Wednesdays and Fridays, the ‘Station Days’ of the early Church.117 The rubrics then assumed that there would be a communion on Sundays and Holy Days: but in case of failure they provided that on all other days, beside the Litany days, whensoever the people be customably assembled to pray in the church and none disposed to communicate with the priest, the first part of the service should be said. By 1552 the communion on Holy Days could no longer be counted upon, and the order was transferred to the Holy Days if there be no communion: this order continued until the last revision in 1661, when it had long been evident that even a regular Sunday communion was a thing of the past, and consequently the opening portion of the office was directed to be said upon the Sundays and other Holy Days if there be no communion.118 These changes reveal a gradual declension from primitive custom. In place of communion on Sundays and Holy Days with ante-communion on Station days, the rubric sanctioned a general substitution of table prayers for communion, and a general disuse of the Lord’s service on the Lord’s day.119 The cause that has led to this result has been the provision in the following rubric forbidding to proceed to the solemn part of the Liturgy without communicants.120 This very necessary reform,121 when promulgated among people who were in the habit of communicating only once a year, had the immediate result that for want of communicants a constant celebration of the Lord’s Supper never came into use, and the daily mass was discontinued.122 For the Priest could not communicate alone, and the people had not learned to communicate except at Easter.123 The disuse of the Liturgy then proceeded by rapid strides, although the Reformers showed in every possible way that they wished to introduce more frequent communion,124 and their provision for the ante-communion service was at least a way of reminding the people of their duty.125
The Rubrics.
I. Part of the service to be read without Communion.

II. and III Requirement of Communicants.








The Puritans taking advantage of the omission since 1549 of the direction to say the service ‘at the altar,’ made a practice of saying it at the reading desk, and this in spite of episcopal prohibitions. At the Savoy Conference the practice was condemned by the Bishops and was considered illegal, though not explicitly forbidden by rubrical direction.126
The wish of the Reformers for frequent Communion . is expressed clearly with regard to Cathedrals and Colleges, where the clergy are to be expected to communicate every Sunday: while a daily Eucharist is provided for, in so far as the rubric directs the use of the Epistle and Gospel of Sunday on vacant days throughout the week following.127
IV. Weekly Communion where possible.
It was ordered in 1549 that to avoid dissension the bread should uniformly be unleavened128 and round as it was afore, but without all manner of print, and something more larger and thicker than it was, and thus should be always divided at the distribution. But in 1552 permission was given129 to use ordinary bread instead, provided it be of the best quality: this provision survives as the present rubric. In Elizabeth’s reign the rule or 1549 was revived by the Royal Injunctions with the ‘force of law’130; but it met with great opposition and was after a time not enforced, and common bread became more usual than wafer. At the revision in 1661 the rubric was left practically unaltered though rival proposals in favour of a more explicit statement were made, one expressing a direct preference for wafer and the other a preference for common bread.131 Thus on the face of it the use of wafer is tacitly assumed and the use of common bread is expressly conceded; but the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council has twice ruled that the rubric directs exclusively the use of common bread.132
V. The Wafer or Bread.
The rubric allotting the unused bread and wine to the Curate dates from 1552, but in 1661 it was necessary to add the word ‘unconsecrated ‘ because some had applied the rubric to the consecrated bread and wine and profanely taken this home and used it as common food:133 a further clause was added to direct the reverent consumption of this in church, so as to provide more surely still against profanation. A similar rubric had been inserted in the Scottish Book,134 and similar directions existed in pre-Reformation times for the reverent consumption of the Sacrament ‘if any remains.’135 The rubric was not intended to touch upon the question of the Reservation of the Sacrament for the Communion of the sick; it is only concerned with the consumption of that which remains, and authorizes the ablutions by which this consumption is reverently and adequately carried out.136
VI. The reverent consumption of the Sacrament.
In primitive times communion was frequent: S. Cyprian in the middle of the IIIrd century speaks of daily communion.137 but the custom varied in different times and places and according to different dispositions.138 As time went on it was necessary to prescribe a minimum rule for all professing Christians, and at first three times a year was specified; this rule existed as early as the VIth century, and became general and was enacted in England in the IXth century:139 later the requirement was reduced to one communion a year, viz. at Easter, by the Lateran Council of 1215,140 and this remained the rule up till the Reformation141 and was repeated in the First Prayer Book. The older requirement of three communions including Easter was restored in 1552. This was retained in 1661, but the succeeding clause And shall also receive the Sacraments and other rites according to the order in this book appointed was omitted, because it seemed to clash with the language in the Catechism and the Articles relative to the two Gospel Sacraments.142
VIII. Minimum rule of Communion.
The Easter offerings comprised personal tithe, the payment of which was ordered by Act of Parliament143 as well as customary dues which were less defined and less easy to trace or specify.
Ecclesiastical dues.
The Book of 1661 for the first time recognised that the offerings made might be for other purposes than for the poor: consequently the rubric as to the disposal of the money was inserted here.
IX. The disposal of the Collections.
The history has already been given of the Declaration on kneeling which was at the last moment foisted by the Council into the Second Prayer Book.144 Its omission in 1559 became one of the stock Puritan grievances, and although the Bishops at the Savoy Conference held out no hopes of restoring it, it was restored, but in a modified form, which implicitly affirms the Real Presence instead of denying it.145
The Black Rubric.
It only remains to add a few words concerning the general structure of the form now in use at the celebration of the Holy Communion. It consists of three general divisions: the Preparation, the Office itself, and the Service of Thanksgiving.146 The first part of the Preparation incites the whole congregation to the exercise of repentance, by the Lord’s Prayer, the Collect for purity, and the Ten Commandments; of holy desires, by the Collects for the King, and of the day; of obedience, by hearing the Epistle and Gospel; of faith, by repeating the Creed; and of charity, by the Offertory, and the Prayer for the whole Church. If we consider the Commandments as a permanent lection from the Law, this portion of the office may be compared with the early Christian Service, containing lessons from the Old Testament, the Gospels, and the writings of the Apostles, followed by an instruction or exhortation in the sermon. The preparation then proceeds to a further stage with the Offertory and Solemn Prayer; and then, distinguishing those who are to communicate from the rest, it deals with them in the Exhortation and Invitation, showing the care taken to provide fit recipients of those holy mysteries. Hence, that all may come with clean hands and pure heart, this more immediate preparation contains an humble Confession, and an Absolution, in which the promises of God to the penitent are applied with the authority which He has given to His visible Church; and then some of the most precious declarations of Holy Scripture are read, to confirm the hope and gratitude of the pardoned worshippers. They then enter upon the second part beginning with the ancient Versicles, Preface, and the Seraphic Hymn of Praise. But even in this part we observe that the jubilant character of the service is deferred: the attitude of prayer and supplication befits those, who shall partake of these mysteries, at each step of their approach to the table of the Lord. Here is, therefore, placed the Prayer of Humble Access, in which we again solemnly acknowledge our unworthiness of the mercies, given to us in the cleansing of our sinful bodies and souls by the Body and Blood of Christ. The elements of Bread and Wine are then consecrated by the Word of God and prayer; the prayer of the faithful is offered by the Priest according to the practice of the primitive Church, and following as closely as possible the actions of our blessed Lord. The Holy Sacrament is then delivered into the hands of the kneeling people, since this posture most befits us, when we are to receive so great a gift as the Body and Blood of Christ.


The Preparation.

The first part.

The second part.

The Anaphora.









The post-communion, like the ante-communion, opens with the Lord’s Prayer, introductory to an expression of praise for which two forms are provided: the first is principally designed to give expression to a feeling like that of S. Paul,147 that it is just and reasonable that we should offer up, together with our Eucharistic ‘Sacrifice of praise,’ ourselves, our body and our soul, as a living sacrifice. The second form is one of Thanksgiving, consisting more entirely of praise for the mercies which are assured to us in this Sacrament; yet it also includes a very earnest prayer for perseverance and fruitfulness in good works. The office then concludes with the Great Doxology, or song of praise for the mercies of redemption, and finally with the solemn Blessing.

The post-Communion.

1 For a comparison of the Roman and Gallican Liturgies in regard to the general scheme, see Pullan, History of the Prayer Book, pp. 21-26.

2 The term ‘Office’ properly belongs to the opening section of the service, and is only in. a narrower sense identified with the term Introit.

3. Originally when there was a prophetical lesson preceding the Epistle and Gospel (see below, p. 465), the Gradual came before and the Alleluia after the Epistle.
    The latter was originally sung at Rome only at Easter (Sozomen, Hist. Eccl. VII. 19), and was not sung except in Eastertide until S. Gregory extended its use. Ep. ix, 12. Migne, P. L. LXXVII. 956.

4 See Additional Note, above, p. 345.

5 At that period a rage set in for inserting Tropes, i. e., interpolations, into the chant, often of a very incongruous nature. The greater number of the Tropes were, after a short stay, expelled again from the Liturgy, but the Sequences, which were Tropes appended to the Alleluia, held their ground: See Frere, Winchester Troper (H. B. S. vol. VIII.).

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6 One psalm originally did duty , for both, the first part being sung at the Introit and the remainder at the Communion.

7 In this form it was introduced by S. Gregory. Ep. ix, 12. Migne, P. L. LXXVII. 956. See above, p. 408.

8 See above, p. 409.

9 See above, p. 382. In some most ancient forms it contains a full commemoration of the Holy Trinity, ‘God the Father Almighty, Lord and only-begotten Son Jesus Christ, and Holy Ghost,’ and so the first part closes, and the second opens with the address, ‘0 Lord God, Lamb of God, &c.
   This is still found in the Greek:The Gloria in excelsis in Greek
This is found also in the Celtic Latin version (Bangor Antiphoner, H. B. S. f. 33), but not in the Roman version, where the commemoration of the Trinity is at the end instead. The earlier, as well as the later, survived in one setting of the Gloria in excelsis in the York Gradual (MS. of James Ward, Esq.), and it has been restored in the Scottish Book, but the clause concerning the Second Person is now twice repeated. See Burn, Introd. to Creeds, pp. 265 and ff.; Dict. Chr. Ant. s. v. Gloria and Doxology.

10 The introduction is ascribed to Pope Telesphorus early in the second century (L. P. i. 129).

11 Ibid. i. 263.

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12 Lib. Pont. i. 376, and the passages collected by Thalhofer, ii, 276. Other music was required by the celebrant and ministers beyond that of the choir which the Gradual contained, principally for the singing of Epistle and Gospel, and for the recitation of the Preface and Lord’s Prayer.

13 For the whole of this part of the subject, see Frere, Graduale Sarum, Introduction, especially pp. xxxxxxiv. The Antiphonale Missarum is best studied in Tommasi Opera (ed. Vezzosi), vol. v.; in Migne, P. L. LXXVIII. and the facsimiles in Paléographie Musicale, vols. I. and IV.

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14 For the supposed connexion of this with the service of Pullain, see above, pp. 86, 87. The connexion of the Commandments and Kyrie had been made far earlier by Coverdale, who in his Ghostly psalms, published before 1539, gave metrical versions of the Commandments, with the Kyrie as a refrain. See his Remains (Parker Soc.), pp. 543 and ff.

15 See, e.g. S. Augustine, In Joan. Ev. Tr. xi. 1; Tr. xxxix. 8.

16 See S. Augustine, In Epist. Joan. Prol. and Tr. ix. 1. Even on festivals the continuous reading was not always broken off. See In Joan. Ev. Tr. ii. 13.

17 Revue Bénéd. for 1898, pp. 248 and ff.

18 Later mediæval liturgists asserted that S. Jerome compiled the Comes and that it was adopted by Pope Damasus (circa 382), e. g. Radulphus Tongrensis, De canon. obs. § 23; Hittorp, col. 1153.

19 Possibly it has been also curtailed, for the Preface seems to suggest that originally the Comes provided for a prophetical lesson as well as for Epistle and Gospel. It contained Ash-Wednesday and the Friday following, but not the Thursdays in Lent.

20 To a certain extent the selected lessons still follow one another on a principle of continuous reading, e.g. the Epistles of the Sundays after Epiphany and after Trinity, when there are no special events to commemorate, form a continuous series from S. Paul’s Epistles: the continuity, however, was upset in course of time. See below, pp. 531, 550.

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21 At an earlier date a non-Roman form of Lectionary had been imported into use into England from Capua by Hadrian, one of the companions of Archbishop Theodore in 668. But there is no evidence that it was exclusively used. Morin, Liber Comicus (Anecd. Maredsolana I.), p. 426.

22 See, for this subject, Ranke, Das Kirchliche Perikopensystem, especially pp. 133, 259 and ff., and the Appendixes; and Morin’s article in Revue Bénédictine, 1898, pp. 241-246.

23 All traces of the prophetic lesson disappeared; two masses were retained only at Christmas and Easter, and otherwise the Vigil Mass entirely went out.

24 This was probably in its origin the collect which closed the processional Litany preceding the Liturgy: of which a trace has already been noticed in the Kyrie. Above, pp. 462, 409.

25 The Gelasian Sacramentaries often had five prayers, viz. a prayer at the offertory (super sindonem) and a benedictory prayer after the Postcommunion ad populum, as well as the above. The latter survived in Lent in the Gregorian books.

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26 Printed in Migne, P. L. LV., in Muratori, Liturgia Romana vetus, and most recently edited by Feltoe for the Cambridge University Press.

27 Printed in Tommasi and Muratori, and lately re-edited by Wilson for the Oxford University Press.

28 A number of early MSS. of this Sacramentary at various stages are in print. See Muratori, and Migne P. L. LXXVIII. The MSS. of Sacramentaries are described in Delisle, Mémoire sur d’anciens Sacramentaires. See also Duchesne, pp. 114 and ff., and Ebner, 373-394.

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29 See a collection of these in Martene De eccl. rit. I. cap. IV. esp. Ordo iv.

30 Compare this with the Latin rite, as printed above, p. 282.

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31 Rubric was a novelty. The old books had practically none, and many late mediæval books were equally destitute. The directions for ceremonial were separate from the ritual texts contained in Ordines, such as the early Roman Ordines, printed by Mabillon, &c. (Migne, P. L. LXXVIII.), or later in the Ordinals, e.g., the old Sarum Ordinal (Use of Sarum, vol. ii.) The Sarum Service-books in their later and printed form incorporated in the services as rubric the greater part of the directions of the later recension of the Sarum Ordinal, which bore upon them.

32 For example, no direction was given as to the conclusion of the collects, nor was the conclusion of the Preface for Trinity Sunday given at all in the book. See below, pp. 490, 524.

33 They are distinguished by small Clarendon type in the table above. [Not in this text, however.]

34 Wordsworth, Mediæval Services, p. 93.

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35 The Lambeth Judgment (Read v. Bp. of Lincoln) denied this, but the evidence for it is considerable. Frere, Exposition de la Messe (Alcuin Club Collections II.) pl. 17. Rock, Church of our Fathers III. ii. 168. Cp. York Missal (Surtees Soc.) ii. 192. Hereford Missal 443 (ed. of, 1874). York Manual (Surtees Soc.) 39,25* (Sarum), the same blessing at Nuptial Mass. Cp., for an earlier use, Ebner, p. 17.

36 At the same time it was made a prayer of offering the alms collected at the offertory. Below, p. 480.

37 These restricting words were greatly debated in 1661, and only at the last it was decided finally that they should be retained.

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38 Milne, Eucharistic Worship, 49, 57, 69.

39 In later Prayer Books, e.g. in the XVIIth century, the words of institution were not infrequently printed in capitals to emphasize them as the words of consecration, See above, p. 153.

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40 Wordsworth Mediæval Services, p. 556 and ff.; Pullan, 141.

41 Fragm. Illustr. 74, and Cosin, Works, v. 512. In earlier times there had been an interval of an hour or two, as morning prayer was at 6 or 7, and Communion at 9 or 10. Heylyn, Antid. Linc. iii. ch. x. p. 61. The practice of inverting the order so that Morning Prayer succeeds instead of preceding the Eucharist is of very recent introduction, and entirely contrary to the whole history of worship and the spirit and actual provisions of the Prayer Book.

42 See above, pp. 177, 187.

43 The practice has fallen into general though not universal disuse; the Rubric is omitted in the American Prayer Book.

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44 This rule is as old as the time of S. Austin. See Serm, CCCLI. 10, Cp. Bp. Wilson, Works, i.462. Andrewes, Minor Works, p. 151. Cp. the CIXth canon.

45 See above, pp, 177, 188, and Cosin’s suggestion, u. s.

46 See this question argued at length in the Book of Common Prayer with Notes (ed. Eccl. Hist. Soc.) pp. 1056 and ff.

47 In the Prayer Book for Scotland (1637) this rubric was: ‘The Holy Table having at the Communion-time a carpet, and a fair white linen cloth upon it, with other decent furniture, meet for the high mysteries there to be celebrated, shall stand at the uppermost part of the chancel or church; where the Presbyter standing at the north side or end thereof, shall say the lord’s Prayer, with this Collect following for due preparation.’

48 Parker Corr. 375.

49 Above, p. 105.

50 In fact the Order was explained away by the Bishops’ Interpretations. Doc. Ann. i. 238. Above, p. 105.

51 Changes were proposed both to make the rubric consistent with the Order, and with current practice, and also to include a mention of the carpet of silk ordered in the 82nd Canon, but neither was finally adopted. See Cosin, Works, v. 513.

52 Hutton, William Laud, pp. 16, 73-78. Lambeth Judgment, pp. 19 and ff.

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53 Judgment, p. 40.

54 The Lord’s Prayer was not printed here until 1662 ; the rubric only directed it to be said. Hence apparently the custom of the unreformed service continued, that the Priest alone should repeat it; and the tradition has prevailed over the general rubric, inserted there at the first occurrence of the Lord’s Prayer, ordering that the people should repeat it with the minister, ‘wheresoever else it is used in Divine Service,’ unless indeed the term Divine Service was meant in its strict sense, which is unlikely.

55 This collect is probably of English origin or at any rate especially connected with England. See Blunt ad loc.

56 Fragm. Ill., p. 75. The Bishops at the Savoy had laid down the general principle in reply to the Puritans. Above, p. 178.

57 Jer. xxxi. 33. In the American Prayer Book of 1892, our Lord’s Summary of the Law (Matt. xxii. 3740) may be read after the Ten Commandments, with the introductory words, ‘Hear also what our Lord Jesus Christ saith.’ And the Decalogue may be omitted, provided it be said once on each Sunday: but, whenever it is omitted, the Minister shall say the Summary of the Law, and the Lesser Litany be said after it. In the Scottish Office (1637) it was directed that the Commandments should be rehearsed distinctly, ‘the people all the while kneeling, and asking God mercy for the transgression of every duty therein, either according to the letter, or to the mystical meaning of the said Commandment.’ This observation applied especially to the Fourth Commandment. Afterwards, the Summary was added as an alternative: this was borrowed from the Nonjurors’ Office of 1718 (above p. 226), where the Summary was first used, to the exclusion of the Ten Commandments. Dowden, Annot. Scottish Com. Office, p. 158.

58 The mediæval Service inserted the King’s name, together with that of the Pope and the Bishop of the diocese, in the Canon (above, p. 442).

59 Cosin, Works, v . 513.

60 See above, p. 469.

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61 Cosin had proposed this, as well as the order to stand at the Gospel and Creeds.

62 S. Austin’s sermons and expositions are especially full of allusion to the lesson and chants of the service.

63 For the connexion with the Bidding Prayer see above, p. 255.

64 This is the proper place for the publication of banns of marriage. The Act 26 Geo. II., c. 33, authorises their publication after the second lesson only in a case where there is no Morning service, but only Evening Prayer, said in a church. But in many Prayer Books an unwarranted alteration of rubric has been made by the printer. Stephens, B. C. P. with Notes, ii. 1151.

65 Music for these Offertories was provided in Merbecke’s B. C. P. Noted; direction was given in 1552 that the sentences should be said which had been only an alternative method in 1549. They are still commonly sung, though rarely to Merbecke’s music. Additional sentences are provided in the Scottish and American books.

66 The usual offering-days were Christmas Day, Easter Day, and two others, of which the feast of the Dedication of the Parish Church was usually one. Wilkins, Conc. i. 713, ii. 160. By an Act of Henry VIII. (1536), Midsummer and Michaelmas were substituted for the two latter days.

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67 Cosin urged this on the ground that if it were in fact carried out it would be very unseemly. Works, v. 514.

68 The words, offer up and place, from the Scottish Office (1637), were proposed for adoption by Convocation in 1661: but they were not adopted.

69 In the first part of the XVIIth century, though there was no rubric for the offertory, it was performed with great ceremony. This rubric therefore only confirmed existing practice. The same was the case with regard to the manual acts in consecration. See above, p. 148. For the elaborate ceremonial then practised, though not prescribed by rubric, see Andrewes, Minor Works, pp. 152 and ff., and the forms of service in Lambeth MS. 577. From the earliest times it has been customary to mix water with the wine in the chalice: the direction for this was given in 1549, but omitted in 1552, and not restored in 1661. It was decided in the Lambeth Judgment that the mixed chalice is lawful provided that the mixing is not done during the service. Lamb. Judg. pp. 4-13.

70 It is significant that Patrick, in his Mensa Mystica (second ed. 1667), and his Christian Sacrifice (first ed. 1670), refers the word ‘oblations’ to the placing the Bread and Wine upon the Holy Table, as a thankful oblation to God of the fruits of the earth: and this use of the term was common in the XVIIth century. But its technical meaning had been in older times, and still was, the contribution of the laity to the support of the clergy. This is clearly its strict meaning here; or, in a wider sense, all offerings of the people other than alms for the poor. And the insertion of the word in the prayer corresponds not with the simultaneous addition of a rubric providing for the placing of the Bread and Wine upon the Altar, but with the contemporary alteration of the preceding rubric; by this (i) the order for payment of ‘the due and accustomed offerings’ to the curate by the laity was omitted, and thus the ancient ‘oblations’ became voluntary instead of compulsory: and (ii) these voluntary oblations, as part of ‘the other devotions of the people,’ were not simply paid over to the Curate, but were ‘presented and placed upon the Holy Table,’ and so were fitly given a place side by side with the alms in the prayer.
    The identification, therefore, of the oblations with the eucharistic elements, though obvious and supported by early and good evidence is not, historically speaking, the primary one. But as a secondary interpretation it is probably as old as the rubric itself. See Wesley, The Pious Communicant (1700) p. 4, quoted in Clutterbuck, Vindication. ‘Alms relate to the money collected for the poor, and oblations may relate to the Bread and Wine’ (Edn. 1702) p. 50, and for the whole question see Journ. Theol. Stud. i. 321 and ff.

71 All mention of the dead was omitted in 1552, when the place and heading of this prayer were changed. It had been (1549) introduced with the words, ‘Let us pray for the whole state of Christ’s Church:’ in 1552, the words ‘militant here in earth,’ were added, in compliance with Bucer’s strictures upon the practice, which he allows to be very ancient, of making mention of the dead in prayer: Script. Angl., p. 467; above, p.46. In the Scottish Prayer Book (1637) much of the language of the formulary of 1549 was introduced; and this single clause was added in 1661. Thus the objection was met which both Cosin and Wren made that the prayer spoke of ‘giving thanks,’ but in fact contained no thanksgiving. Cosin, u. s.; Fragm. Iliustr., u. s. A proposal was made at the same time to substitute as title Let us pray for the good estate of the Catholic Church of Christ, and for a long time the proposal held the field. It was rejected in the final stages of the revision, but the title in this form appeared not infrequently in early editions of the Restoration Prayer Book. See Parker, Introduction, p. cc. and The Book Annexed.

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72 Censura, cap. xx vii, p. 495. Its object clearly was to promote frequent communion, and that all who were present should communicate: ‘ut qui communioni sunt præsentes sacramentis quoque participent.’ The Exhortation contained the words: , Which thing ye shall do, if ye stand by as gazers and lockers on of them that do communicate, and be no partakers of the same yourselves,’ which disappeared in 1661, because, as Bishop Wren recorded, by that date it had become the custom for non-communicants to retire. Fragm. Illustr. 78.

73 The following words which originally stood at the end were omitted in 1552. After the direction to unquiet consciences to resort to the minister for absolution there follows: “requiring such as shall be satisfied with a general confession not to be offended with them that do use to their further satisfying the auricular and secret confession to the priest, nor those also, which think needful or convenient for the quieting of their own consciences particularly to open their sins to the priest, to be offended with them that are satisfied with their humble confession to God and the general confession to the Church. But in all things to follow and keep the rule of charity, and every man to be satisfied with his own conscience, not judging other men’s minds or consciences, whereas he hath no warrant of God’s word to the same.”

74 See the suggestions of Cosin and Wren, u. s. This secured (i) that the Exhortation was read to those who needed the Exhortation, and (ii) that time was allowed for those who desired it to come to the Minister ‘for the quieting of their conscience and receiving the benefit of absolution.’ The Irish Canons until quite recently made special provision thus. ‘Constitutions and Canons Ecclesiastical, of the years 1634 and 1711, Canon XIX. Warning to be given beforehand for the Communion.
    Whereas every lay person is bound to receive the Holy Communion ‘thrice every year, and many not-withstanding do not receive that Sacrament once in a year:
    We do require every Minister to give warning to his parishioners publickly in the church at Morning Prayer the Sunday before every time of his administering the holy Sacrament, for the better preparation of themselves: which said warning we enjoin the said parishioners to accept and obey under the penalty and danger of the law.
    And the Minister of every parish, and in Cathedral and Collegiate Churches some principal Minister of the Church, shall, the afternoon before the said administration, give warning by the tolling of the bell, or otherwise, to the intent, that if any have any scruple of conscience, or desire the special Ministry of Reconciliation, he may afford it to those that need it.
    And, to this end the people are often to be exhorted to enter into a special examination of the state of their own souls; and that finding themselves either extreme dull, or much troubled in mind, they do resort unto God’s Ministers, to receive from them as well advice and counsel for the quickening of their dead hearts, and the subduing of those corruptions, whereunto they have been subject, as the benefit of absolution likewise, for the quieting of their consciences by the Power of the Keys, which Christ hath committed to his Ministers for that purpose.’

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75 This was one of Cosin’s suggestions, Works, v. 515, but it was probably adopted only at a late stage of the revision, as it was one of the corrections made like the insertion of the black rubric (p. 503) after the transcription of the Annexed Book.

76 See above, p. 178.

77 In old clays it was customary for the communicants to ‘draw near’ at this point, and the previous rubric was inserted before the Long Exhortation in order to obviate this. Cosin, Works, v. 516; Not. Euch.

78 The omission was very incompletely made, for the rubrics which precede and follow still contemplate the presence of others not communicating.

79 In the American Book the two Exhortations giving warning (ii. and i.) are placed after the service. Leave is given to curtail them and to omit the Long Exhortation to communicants (iii.) ‘if it hath been already said on one Lord’s Day in that same month.’ Cp. the Irish Book.

80 See p. 38.

81 See p. 471.

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82 Then shall this general Confession be made, in the name of all those that are minded to receive the Holy Communion, by the Presbyter himself, or the Deacon; both he and all the people kneeling humbly upon their knees ‘ Rubr. (1637).

83 Above, pp. 178, 188.

84 The mediæval Confession contained the expression, ‘peccavi nimis cogitatione, locutione, et opere, mea culpa ‘: the words, ‘By thought, word, and deed,’ are due to this source. See above, pp. 267, 282. It is further possible that those which follow, ‘provoking most justly thy wrath and’ indignation against us,’ were taken, as a single idea, from Pollanus (fol. 5), ‘perditi jam inde a prima nostra origine, indies magis atque magis judicium tuum in nos provocantes vitæ improbitate.’

85 ‘Almighty everlasting God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, the Maker of all things, the judge of all men, we acknowledge, and we lament that we were conceived and born in sins, and that therefore we be prone to all evils, and abhor from all good things; that we have also transgressed thy holy commandments without end and measure in despising thee and thy word, in distrusting thy aid, in trusting ourselves and the world in wicked studies and works, wherewith we have most grievously offended thy Majesty, and hurt our neighbour. Therefore we have more and more buried ourselves into eternal death. And we are sorry for it with all our hearts, and we desire pardon of thee for all the things that we have committed against thee; we call for thy help against sin dwelling in us, and Satan the kindler thereof; keep us that we do nothing hereafter against thee, and cover the wickedness that remaineth in us with the righteousness of thy Son, and repress it in us with thy Spirit, and at length purge it clean out. Have mercy upon us, most gentle. Father, through thy Son our Lord Jesus Christ. Give, and increase thy Holy Spirit in us, who may teach us to acknowledge our sins truly and thoroughly, and to be pricked with a lively repentance of the same, and with true faith to apprehend and retain remission of them in Christ our Lord, that dying to sin daily more and more, we may serve, and please thee in a new life, to the glory of thy name, and edifying of thy congregation. For we acknowledge that thou justly requirest these things of us, wherefore we desire to perform the same. Vouchsafe thou, O Father of heaven, which hast given us a will, to grant us also that we may study to (do) those things with all our hearts which pertain to our health, though our Lord Jesus Christ.
    Hear the Gospel.
    John iii.: God so loved the world, that He gave His only-begotten Son, that all which believe in Him should have life everlasting.
    Or, 1 Tim. i. : This is a sure saying, and worthy of all embracing, that Jesus Christ came into this world to save sinners.
    Or, John iii.: The Father loveth the Son, and hath given all things into His hands: he that believeth in the Son hath everlasting life.
    Or, Acts x.: All the prophets bear witness unto Christ, that all that believe in him receive remission of their sins through him.
    Or, 1 Joh. ii. : My little children, if any have sinned, we have a just advocate with the Father, Jesus Christ, and he is an atonement for our sins.
    When the pastor hath showed to the people one of the said Gospels, he shall say further, — Because our blessed Lord hath left this power to his congregation, that it may absolve them from sins, and restore them into favour of the heavenly Father, which being repentant for their sins, do truly believe in Christ the Lord; I, the minister of Christ and the congregation, declare and pronounce remission of sins, the favour of God, and life everlasting. through our Lord Jesus Christ, to all them which be sorry for their sins, which have true faith in Christ the Lord, and desire to approve themselves unto him.’ Hermann’s Consultation, fol. cci. and ff. (1548). A mediæval English form of Exhortation before Communion is printed in Maskell, Mon. Rit. III. 348 [408]; and in Blunt, Annotated Prayer Book, p. 178 [382].

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86 Harduin, Conc., ‘VI. p. ii. p. 1638. The Missal of Robert of Jumièges, a Winchester book written c. 1020, has 281 Prefaces. Another Winchester Missal a century later (c. 1120) has 190. See Jumièges Missal (H.B.S. XI.), pp. lxxiii. 337-340.

87 The five omitted are those for (1) the Epiphany, and throughout the Octave; (2) Ash Wednesday and Lent fast-days; (3) Feasts of the Apostles and Evangelists ; (4) the two festivals of Holy Cross; and (5) every festival of the Blessed Virgin Mary, except the Purification.

88 Those for Christmas Day and Whit-Sunday, For the former the old Preface was: ‘Quia per incarnati Verbi mysterium nova mentis nostræ oculis lux tuæ claritatis infulsit: ut dum visibiliter Deum cognoscimus, per hunc in invisibilium amorem rapiamur.’ And for the latter ‘Per Christum Dominum nostrum. Qui ascendens super omnes cœlos, sedensque ad dexteram tuam, promissum Spiritum Sanctum hodierna die in filios adoptionis effudit. Quapropter profnsis gaudiis totus in orbe terrarum mundus exultat, Sed et supernæ virtutes atque angelicæ potestates hymnum gloriæ tuæ concinunt, sine fine dicentes.’

89 The following are the Latin originals. For Easter: ‘Et te quidem omni tempore, sed in hac potissimum die gloriosius prædicare, cum pascha nostrum immolatus est Christus. Ipse enim verus est agnus, qui abstulit peccata mundi: qui mortem nostrum moriendo destruxit, et vitam resurgendo reparavit.
    ‘Et ideo cum angelis et archangelis cum thronis et dominationibus cumque omni militia cœlestis exercitus hymnum gloriæ tuæ canimus sine fine dicentes :—’
    For Ascension Day: ‘Per Christum Dominum nostrum. Qui post resurrectionem suam omnibus discipulis suis manifestus apparuit, et ipsis cernentibus est elevatus in cœlum, ut, nos divinitatis suæ tribueret esse participes. Et ideo . . . ‘
    For Trinity Sunday: ‘ Qui cum unigenito Filio tuo, et Spiritu Sancto, unus es Deus, unus es Dominus, non in unius singularitate personæ, sed in unius trinitate substantiæ. Quod enim de tua gloriæ revelante te credimus, hoc de Filio tuo, hoc de Spiritu Sancto, sine differentia discretion is sentimus. Ut in confessione veræ sempiternæque deitatis, et in personis proprietas, et in essentia unitas, et in majestate adoretur æqualitas.
    ‘ Quam laudant angeli afque archangeli, Cherubin quoque ac Seraphin, qui non cessant clamare una voce dicentes: ‘
    This ending was the only exceptional ending; of the two ordinary Latin alternatives (above, p. 441) one only was required for all the other prefaces in the Prayer Book, viz. the ending ‘et ideo cum angelis.’ For this exceptional case the cue, ’Whom the angels,’ was given here in 1549, but the full translation of it was never given, and in 1552, the same cue was appended to this as to the rest.

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90 The insertion of this Rubric authorised the Eastward position at consecration, which was at the time used by many, though not enjoined. Talbot, Ritual, p. 132. The Irish Book has altered this.

91 See above, p. 459.

92 Above p. 443, ‘corpus et sanguis fiat dilectissimi Filii tui.’

93 This was (1637) :-’Vouchsafe so to bless and sanctify with thy Word and Holy Spirit these thy gifts and creatures of bread and wine, that they may be unto us the Body and Blood of thy most dearly beloved Son.’ In the present Office it is :—’ . . . that they may become the Body and Blood. . .’

94 ‘All sides agree in the faith of the Church of England, that in the most blessed sacrament the worthy receiver is by his faith made spiritually partaker of the true and real Body and Blood of Christ truly an really [verily and indeed], and of all the benefits of His passion.’-Laud Conference with Fisher, § 35, p. 241 ed. Oxf. 1839.

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95 The withdrawal or the chalice from the assistants began in England in the twelfth century, and then spread abroad until, apart from exceptional cases, it was complete in the fourteenth century. Scudamore, Not. Euch. IX. vii: Pullan, 45, and most fully Smend, Kelchspendung und Kelchversagung, pp. 14, 23 and ff.

96 In the Eastern Church the bread is dipped in the cup, and the laity thus communicated in both kinds. The same custom of ‘intinction’ was in use for some time in the West previously to the withdrawal of the cup from all but the celebrant. Not. Euch. IX. v., Smend, p. 19. On the different modes which have prevailed in administering the Eucharist, see also Bingham, Antiq. xv. ch. 5. Dict. Chr. Antiq. s. v. Communion.

97 See above, pp. 83-85.

98 This is the primitive custom. The direction given by S. Cyril of Jerusalem (348) is this. ‘Making your left hand a throne for the right, which is as it were to receive a King and hollowing the palm, receive the Body of Christ.’ Cat. Myst. v. 18. Brightman, L. E. W. i. 466. Cp. 484-536. Not. Euch. IX. viii. It began to be disused by the ninth century, and was forbidden by the Council of Rouen (c. 878) Hard. vi. 205. See Martene, De Ritibus, I. iv. 10, § 8. Not. Euch. l. c. The restoration was suggested by Bucer. See ahove, p. 74.

99 Hippolytean Canons, 146: Clementine Liturgy in Const. Apost. VIII. 12; L. E. W. 25.

100 Ibid. 25, 466. S. Augustine, Contra. Faust. XII. 10. Eus, vi. 43.

101 Joh. Diacon. Vita. Greg. 11. 41 ; Migne. P. L. LXXV. 103.

102 It is given in the Manuals, not in the Missals. See for York and Sarum, The York Manual (Surtees LXIII.), pp. 52, 51*.

103 See the form of words above, p. 487. No direction is given for the posture of the priest, and no form is provided with which he is himself to receive; these points were left undecided deliberately in 1661, but the use of the first person seems most in accordance with the origin of the words which he uses in administering to others, and has Wren’s authority. Fragm. Illustr. 82, 83.

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104 The form in Hennann’s Consultation (fol. ccxxiv.) is, ‘Take, and eat to thy health the body of the Lord, which was delivered for thy sins. Take, and drink to thy health the blood of the Lord, which was shed for thy sins.’ The form used by Pollanus (1551) was, ‘Panis quem frangimus, communicatio est corporis Christi; Calix cui benedicimus, communicatio est sanguinis Christi.’ Liturgia Peregrinorum, fol. xi. In a second edition (Frankfort, 1555) a longer form is given: ‘Panis quem frangimus communicatio est corporis Christi; Accipite, comedite memore, corpus Christi pro vobis esse fractum. Calix benedictionis cui benedicimus communicatio est sanguinis Christi, qui pro vobis est fusus in remissionem peccatorum.’ See the form appointed in the Directory, above, p. 205. The Scottish Prayer Book (1637) restored the form of 1549.

105 Case of Robert Johnson in A parte of a Register, pp. 105-111, quoted in The Case for Incense, pp. 10-12.

106 Not. Euch. IX. vi. Smend, l. c.

107 This has the advantage that some definite words of consecratory prayer are said; but on the other hand it certainly favours the notion that the act of consecration is connected not with the prayer in general, but with the simple recitation of the words of institution, and it does not even require all of them to be uttered. In this respect it goes beyond the direction in the Prayer Book for Scotland, from which it is taken: And to the end there may be little left, he that officiates is required to consecrate with the least; and then, if there be want, the words of consecration may be repeated again, over more, either bread or wine: the Presbyter beginning at these words in the prayer of consecration, ‘Our Saviour, in the night that He was betrayed, took,’ &c. (Fifth Rubric after the Office, 1637.) . The defect was pointed out by Cosin, u. s. It has been better met in daughter Rites. See p. 515.

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108 In the Lambeth Judgment, which authorised the restoration of this hymn, the suggestion was adopted that its omission was due to the transference of the Gloria in Exceisis, containing the same words, from the beginning of the service, where it ‘was remote from this, to the end, where it was very close to it: and it was further suggested that it was by way of compensation for this omission, that then the words in the Gloria in Excelsis were thenceforward thrice repeated, instead of twice, as had formerly been the case. Judgment, p.61. But some MS. settings of the First Book (p. 43) have the repeat.

109 A proposal emanating from Cosin to restore the prayer of oblation to its proper position as ‘more consonant, both to former precedents, and the nature of this holy action’ was not accepted by the bishops at the revision in 1661. Cosin, Works, v, 517.

110 The opening words have a certain similarity to a prayer in the Brandenburg - Nürnberg Order of 1533 (Jacobs, p. 2431, but the bulk of the prayer is entirely different. Richter, i. 207.

111 Above, p. 293: ‘Gratias . . . qui me refecisti de sacratissimo corpore, &c.’ Cp. the Thanksgiving in the Greek Liturgies in L. E. W.

112 Above, p. 462. In translating the hymn in 1549, the opening words were taken from the Greek, εν ανθροποις ευδοκια not from the Latin of the Vulgate and the Missal, ‘pax hominibus bonæ voluntatis,’

113 Above, p. 474.

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114 These Episcopal Benedictions varying throughout the year were collected in Benedictionals (e. g. that of S. Ethelwold, published by the Soc. of Antiquaries in 1853), and often inserted into the Pontificals. A standard series received the imprimatur of Peckham Abp. of Canterbury (1279-1294).

115 ‘Benedictio Dei omnipotentis Patris et Filii, et Spiritus Sancti descendat super vos et maneat semper.’ Lacy’s Pontifical, p. 153; Bainbridge, Pontifical (Surtees Soc. LXI.), p. 40. In others the form varies, e. g. S. Ethelwold’s Benedictional, p. 51, or Egbert’s Pontifical (Surtees Soc. vol. 27), p. 59, which have ‘Benedictio Dei Patris, et Filii, et Spiritus Sancti, et pax Domini sit semper vobiscum.’ Cp. Leofric Missal (ed. Warren), pp. 63, 248.

116 The first is the Collect, ‘Adesto, Domine, supplicationibus nostris et viam famulorum tuorum in salutis tuæ prosperitate dispone: ut inter omnes viæ et vitæ huius varietates tuo semper protegantur auxilio. Per.’: said in the Sarum Missa pro iter agentibus; also in the devotions called Pretiosa, which were said in chapter after Prime; Brev. Sar. ii. 5. The second is the Collect, ‘Dirigere et sanctificare et regere dignare Domine Deus quæsumus corda et corpora nostra in lege tua, et in operibus mandatorum tuorum: ut hic et in æternum, te auxiliante, sani et salvi esse mereamur. Per’: usually said on the same occasion, Ibid. p. 55. The fourth was a Collect appointed for the second Saturday in Lent: ‘Actiones nostras, quæsumus, Domine, et aspirando præveni, et adjuvando prosequere; ut cuncta nostra operatio a te semper incipiat, et per le cœpta finiatur. Per.’

117 See above, p. 331. The old service of Good Friday and Easter Even is of this nature: the Mass of the presanctified was grafted on to it in mediæval times, but originally it was simply an ‘ante-communion service.’

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118 The old pre-anaphoral service survived through the middle ages as a possible alternative to Mass in exceptional circnmstances. See Legg in C. H. S. Tract LXXIII. pp. 14 and ff.

119 In the American Book the rubric is as follows:— Upon the Sundays and other Holy Days (though there be no Sermon, or Communion) shall be said all that is appointed at the Communion, unto the end of the Gospel, concluding with the Blessing.
    There are no other rubrics in this place, but one, directing the reverent consumption of whatever consecrated Bread and Wine may remain. The Declaration, or ‘Black Rubric,’ is omitted.

120 There shall be no celebration of the Lord’s Supper except there be some to communicate with the Priest’ (1549):— ‘except there be a good number,’ — ‘four, or three at the least’ (1552). The Irish Book has reduced the requirement to three or two at the least.

121 The Council of Trent (Sess. xxii. 6), while maintaining Private Masses, and others without communicants, expressed the desire that there should always be communicants at every Mass.

122 For the primitive custom of daily Eucharist and daily communion, see Not. Euch. XIV.

123 The current rule was for laymen to communicate once a year, according to the 21st canon of the Lateran Council in 1215 (Harduin, VI!. 35). The demand of the Devonshire rebels (1549) to ‘have the sacrament of the altar but at Easter delivered to the lay people,’ shows the difficulty of reform. This minimum was re-enacted by the Council of Trent (Sess. xiii. 9).

124 Wordsworth, Holy Com. pp. 147 :and ff.; Not. Euch. XIV.

125 Cp. the Answer of the Bishops at the Savoy Conference, who defended it not only on the ground of primitive practice (above, p. 174), but also as ‘an invitation to the Holy Sacrament’ and a reminder of ‘our duty, viz. to receive the Holy Communion, some at least, every Sunday.’ Cardwell, Conf. p. 342. Cp. Clutterbuck, Vindication of the Liturgy (1702), p. 45.

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126 Not. Euch. XII.

127 See the Note before the Table of Proper Lessons: see also below, p. 530.

128 For the history, see Not. Euch. xv.

129 Archbishop Parker’s letter, written after conference with the Queen upon the subject, expressly and authoritatively explains the words, ‘It shall suffice’ as being merely permissive. Parker Corr., p. 375. See above, p. 365. Compare the use of the same direction with regard to baptism by affusion. The Irish Book omits the words.

130 This was done by Royal authority, under the 26th section of the Act of Uniformity, with the advice presumably of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners appointed July 19, 1559, immediately. before the Visitation, since there was no Primate available till Parker’s consecration in December. Parker Corr. l. c.; and above, p. 101.

131 Fragm. Illustr. 84; Cosin, Works, V. 518. ;

132 Elphinstone (Hebbert) v. Purchas and Clifton v. Ridsdale. See Talbot Ritual, pp. 134-140. The question presents many illuminating analogies and contrasts with the question of Vestments. Above, pp. 362-367.

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133 Cosin, Works, V. 519.

134 Both Wren and Cosin urged the insertion of a similar provision here.

135 Lyndwood, Prouinciale, III. tit. 25; Dignissimum, q. and Gratian, Decr. III. Dist. ii. c. 23. ‘Tanta in altario certe holocausta offerantur quanta populo sufficere debeant. Quod si remanserint, in crastinum non reserventur sed cum timore et tremore clericorum diligentia consumantur.’ From the Pseudo-Clementine epistle to James of Jerusalem, a forgery of the VIIth century; Works of S. Leo (ed. Ballerini), App. 674 (Migne, P. L. LVI. 893): afterwards used by Pseudo-Isidore: see Hinschius, Decr. Pseudo-Isid. pp. lxxxi. 46.

136 See Lambeth Judgment, pp. 14.-17, and Talbot Ritual, pp. 147-149.

137 De orat. dom. 18.

139 Not. Euch. XIX.

139 Can. 18 of the council of Agde (506), prescribing Christmas, Easter, and Whitsundays, was incorporated in the Decretum, III. Dist. ii. c. 19, and into the Pseudo-Egbert Excerptiones of the IXth century. Spelman, Concilia, p. 262, No. 39.
    The custom of being content with the three communions a year was condemned by Bede in 734, as prevailing then even with the more religious people. Ep. ad Egbertum, 9.

140 Canon 21. Harduin, VII. 35. This was adopted in the Provincial Constitutions of S. Edmund of Canterbury, In 1236, c. XVIII.; Ibid. p. 270.

141 The older rule was, however, not lost sight of; the above-named constitution, and even as late as 1378 a republication of it by Simon of Sudbury at the Synod of Lambeth, urged the three communions of Easter, Whitsuntide, and Christmas. Lyndwood, Prov. V. Tit. xvi.

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142 See Cosin’s objection. Works, v. 519. The Scottish Book omitted the word ‘Sacraments’ here.

143 2 and 3 Edw. VI. cap. XIII. section 7.

144 Above, pp. 83-85, 102, 153, 180, 197, 204.

145 Burnet ascribes the re insertion of the Declaration to the influence of Bps, Gauden and Morley and the Earl of Southampton. Hist. of Own Time, i. 324 (Oxford 1897).
    The change was made at the instance of Dr. Peter Gunning, afterwards Bishop of Chichester and Ely: so Burnet, who disliked the change, bears venomous witness. Preface to Hist. Ref. (ed. Pocock, iii. 8). The insertion was made at a late stage of the revision after the transcription of the annexed book, but clearly before its subscription. See above, p. 204.

146 ‘Melius dividitur Missa in tres partes; scilicet in præparationem tam populi, quam materiæ consecrandæ; in eucharistiæ consecrationem et oblation em; in consecratæ communionem et mysterii conclusionem. Prima pars potest dici missa catechumenorum, pro eo quod major pars admittit catechumenos, secunda canon, tertia communio.’ Gabriel Biel, in Canone, lect. 15.

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147 Rom. xii. 1. Cp. S. Austin’s teaching quoted in Gore, Romans ii. 240.
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