|The Book of Common Prayer|
THE ORDER FOR DAILY MORNING AND EVENING PRAYER.
I. The Origin of Divine Service.
|A LARGE part of the history of
Divine Service has already been touched upon in dealing with the use of
the Psalter and Lectionary: how important a part of the subject this is,
can best be judged from the statement already made, that the Divine Service
mainly exists for the purpose of the orderly recitation of the Psalter
and reading of the Bible.
Two objects of Divine Service.
|1. Use of Psalter and Bible.
|In close connexion with this
object another is also visible from the first, viz., to consecrate certain
fixed hours of the day to prayer. This object was present to the Jewish
mind, as is clear from Daniel’s practice of praying three times a
day, or from the Psalmist’s mention of midnight thanksgiving and
sevenfold daily prayer.1 It was also the
habit of the Apostles and others, as recorded in the Acts of the Apostles2 and
soon became a recognized ideal of the devout Christian. The Didache prescribes
the use of the Lord’s
Prayer three times daily, presumably at the Third, Sixth, and Ninth hours,
which are referred to as Hours of Prayer in the Acts of the Apostles, and
by a long string of Fathers beginning with Clement of Alexandria (c. 195),
and Tertullian (c. 200). From the same list of authorities similar testimony
may be obtained to the use of a formal midnight prayer or Vigil. The custom
of prayer on rising and retiring to bed hardly needs to be formally attested.3
||2. Consecration of fixed hours
The consecration of such hours as these to prayer was at first a matter of private devotion; but before long the practice received public recognition, and public services began to be devised. It was probably the Vigil or midnight service which first acquired this recognition. The early Christians were deeply impressed with the expectation that our Lord’s Second Coming, which they deemed imminent, would be at midnight and at the Paschal solemnities. The night preceding Easter was therefore kept as a Vigil with continuous services preparatory to Easter Communion. By a natural process the Vigil was repeated before other Sundays, and in some cases before Saturdays, that is to say, in places where Saturday was observed as a day of special solemnity. And so it came to be considered a natural preparation for any great day, and was prefixed also to Saints’ days.
Later, when monastic influences began to act powerfully upon the services,4 the
night service became a daily institution,5 but
by the same process it was reduced in its proportions till it became
the mediæval service
of Nocturns, i.e., a midnight service of psalms and lessons of varying
length according to circumstances.6
Growth of this habit.
|The Hours of Prayer which next
acquired public recognition and became public services were the Morning
and Evening Prayer: this had probably come about by the end of the second
century, and the services were started which became in the later system
Lauds and Evensong (Vespers).
||Morning and Evening Prayer.
The little Hours of Terce, Sext and None did not become public services till the end of the fourth century, and then at first only in monastic communities; at a still later date two further offices were added, both of them under monastic influence, and probably in Italy, that of Compline, as a service at bedtime, and that of Prime as a similar service preceding the daily Chapter or business-meeting of the monks.7
This system of Hours of Prayer was already complete in the West, probably by the end of the fifth century, for the Roman cursus or ‘course’ of psalmody allotted the Psalms and Canticles to this system of services, and S. Benet’s ‘course’ (530), which seems to be a revision of the Roman ‘course,’ did the like, though with important modifications.
|The Little hours.
Note that “Benet” = “Benedict”.
II. The Structure of the Hours of Prayer.
The structure of the Hours of Prayer bears out and confirms this sketch
of their history. The midnight service of Nocturns stands alone; Lauds
is like Vespers, the three Little Hours follow one uniform plan,
while Compline and Prime are clearly formed on one model. Before describing
in detail the normal8 structure of these
services as they existed in mediaeval times according to the’ secular’ type9 it
will be well to call attention to some general points, which (with some
small exceptions) hold good throughout.10
|The Structure of the Hours of
|The course of Bible reading (as
has been already shown) was confined to Nocturns, the night-service, and
the only reading of Scripture, which took place at the Day Hours, consisted
in the recitation of a short text called the Capitulum, or Chapter,
generally drawn from the Epistle belonging to the corresponding Mass.11 At
Nocturns (later called Mattins), the lessons were read in groups of three
lessons; either one or three such groups were prescribed according to the
day. Each lesson was followed by a Responsorium or Respond, sung
by soloist and choir.
|Psalms were sung at all the Hours, but fixed Psalms were appointed for all of them except Nocturns and Evensong: consequently it was only at these that the Psalter was sung through ‘in course’; Ps. i-cx, (English numbering) were those appointed at Nocturns, and Ps. cx.-end at Evensong, and the fixed psalms appointed for the other services were excluded from the ‘course.’||Psalmody.
|The services began alike with
introductory devotions,12 but ended differently
from one another. Nocturns ended abruptly, when the lessons and singing
were over, with a versicle, said by the officiant, but without any collect;
it preserved in this respect its primitive simplicity, because in practice
the service of Lauds followed it immediately.13 In
all other cases, but that of Nocturns, a collect, followed by two versicles,
closed the service; except at Prime and Compline, the collect was variable
according to the day, and was borrowed from the corresponding mass. On
many occasions the collect was preceded by the Preces or suffrages,
i.e., miscellaneous devotions largely made up of Versicles and
their Responses. The suffrages were uniform at Lauds, Evensong, and the
Little Hours, but Prime and Compline had suffrages of their own formed
on another pattern, and embodying the recitation of the Creed as well as
the Lord’s Prayer,
and also a form of mutual confession and absolution.14
||Opening and Close of the Services.
|In process of time addenda and
appendixes were incorporated into the framework of the services, and also
many additional services were added, which resulted in a great complication
of the system of the Breviary Hours: but the supplementary services must
be passed over altogether here, and of the former it is only necessary to
notice that there were added on occasion at the end of Lauds and Evensong,
Memoriæ or Memorials, that is, short devotions, each consisting of
Antiphon, Versicle, and Collect, and commemorating some circumstance or
some particular intention appropriate to the day.
The structure of Nocturns is as follows:—
|Tables of the structure.|
EVENSONG OR VESPERS.
1. Private prayers and Introduction.
1. Private prayers and Introduction.
1. Private prayers and Introduction.
COMPLINE OF THE SARUM USE
1. Private prayers and Introduction.
III. The Structural Modifications
This system of the Hours of Prayer was in possession everywhere in the
XVIth century with a thousand years of authority at its back. It had
no doubt been introduced into England by S. Augustine, though little
evidence is forthcoming as to its history here before the XIIIth century.15 Alterations
had been made, which while leaving the broad outline of the system intact,
rendered it extremely complex. Two tendencies were at work, one of addition
and the other of curtailment: in accordance with the former, various
novel services, such as the secondary system of the Hours of the Blessed
Virgin, or the office of the Dead, were added to the obligations of the
clergy and to the pages of the Breviary; and also new portions were inserted
in or appended to the canonical or primary Hours. On the other hand curtailment
was taking place, the lessons and psalmody were considerably shortened
to compensate for the fresh obligations, and the long ferial offices
were to a considerable extent avoided and replaced by festival offices
or commemoration offices. Other innovations simply added to the intricacy
of the system: the growth of the Kalendar, already explained above, the
keeping of octaves and the saying of memorials all-made fresh complications:
and later still the system of ‘Commemorations’
was introduced, according to which the normal ferial office of the day
was ousted on two or even three days in a week, and a special service
commemorative of the Blessed Virgin, or the patron, or some other saint
was substituted in its place.
Alterations in mediæval
|Early in the XVIth
century, among the many objects which clamoured for reform, the Service-books
were recognized to have a paramount claim. The breach between England and
Rome gave the English Church her opportunity, and a reform of the Hour
Services was inaugurated and carried on by slow steps.16 The
main objects of the revision were to simplify the complex system and to
recover the orderly and continuous reading of the Bible and recitation
of the Psalter, while removing at the same time the corruptions which had
crept in,chiefly into the series of lessons: at a later date it was further
seen to be advisable to make the system applicable to, the laity instead
of being almost confined to the clergy, and with that object to reduce
the number of Hours of Prayer, and to issue the services in the vernacular.
The course of this development can be traced in Cranmer’s Drafts
for the revision of the Breviary. At first he followed the lines of Quignon,
kept the seven Hours and the Latin tongue, rearranged the Psalter and provided
lessons at Mattins, Lauds and Evensong: the Chapters and all Responds were
abolished, and but one antiphon was retained for each Hour. The Hymn at
Lauds was abolished, and the hymns which were retained were all placed
in a uniform position immediately after the introduction:. by this and
other means as well the structure of the Hours was made more uniform.17
Changes of structure
inaugurated by Cranmer.
His first Draft for Mattins.
The second Draft shews considerable advance: the Latin language was still to be retained except for the Lord’s Prayer and the Lessons: the Hours were to be compressed into two,18 of which Mattins represented the ancient Mattins, Lauds and Prime. The Little Hours and Compline were to be omitted; and even the latter half of the new Mattins, from Te Deum onwards, might be omitted to make room for preaching.
The following table will shew the structure of the projected service.
1. The Lord’s Prayer in English said aloud, with the rest of the Introduction.
Evensong is to follow the same course, but to have two lessons instead
of three, then Magnificat, then the Collect, and so come to an end.
|From this project it was a very
easy transition to the First Prayer Book. The hymns were omitted for want
of English versions; the lessons were reduced to two, shorn of their introductions
and closes, but placed so that singing came as a break between them; the
suffrages were retained in an unchanging form as an introduction to the
Collect, and this was followed by two other prayers in the position of
the old ‘memorials.’
||The First Book.|
A slight development in 1552 brought the main body of the service into its present form by the prefixing of the Sentences, Exhortation, Confession and Absolution, and the transposition of the Creed and the Salutation so as to follow the Benedictus. The rubrical direction for adding an anthem with the five prayers or Litany was made in 1661.19
The following comparative table exhibits the development so far as the general structure is concerned :—
|The Second Book.|
By a similar process Evensong was formed of materials taken out of the old service of Evensong or Vespers, together with the Nunc Dimittis and the third Collect taken from Compline. It was made to follow the structure of the new Mattins, so that both the services should be of a uniform design.20 It will be seen if the tables of Evensong and Compline given above are compared with the structure of the Evening Prayer of the Prayer Book that more omission and alteration was necessary here than at Morning Prayer.21
It is time now after these preliminaries to turn to the actual services
themselves as they stand in the present Prayer Book and consider them
point by point.
IV. Introductory Rubrics
These two rubrics were placed as general directions for the service
in 1552. They give rise to many questions about which there has been
much difference of opinion and practice.
|(1) In what part of the church
should the Morning and Evening Prayer be said? To settle this question
was the original intention of the first of these rubrics. In 1549 the simple
direction was given, (The priest being in the quire
shall begin with a loud voice. . . . But great diversity arose in
the manner of ministration; the more ardent reformers were anxious to change
every custom of the mediæval
service: hence, not only did some lay aside the vestments worn by the priest,
but they left the accustomed place of reading the prayers. And this was
not treated as an unimportant matter; for we find Bucer calling it antichristian
to say service in the choir; and opinions of the same class were constantly
gaining ground throughout the reign of Edward VI.22 Accordingly,
in the new Prayer Book of 1552, this was placed as a general introductory
rubric, with the title prefixed, ‘The Order where Morning
and Evening Prayer shall be used and said:’ and the first rubric
directed it to be ‘used
in such place of the church, chapel, or chancel, and the minister shall
so turn him, as the people may best hear. And if there be any controversy
therein, the matter shall be referred to the ordinary. . .’ In
1559 this was altered to ‘the accustomed place. . . except
it shall be otherwise determined by the ordinary.’ The effect
of the altered rubric was a permission to retain the traditional customs,
since on Elizabeth’s accession the old
usages were in force, and the accustomed place of service was
the chancel: such therefore was to continue, unless the ordinary should
appoint otherwise23 for the better accommodation
of the people. The direction that the
chancels shall remain, as they have done in time past has no doubt
saved them from destruction, but it did not save them from devastation
either in Edward’s reign or in Elizabeth’s. Some attempt was
made to moderate destructive zeal by the royal orders of October 10th,
156124: but soon, and especially after
the Advertisements of 1566,25 the chancels
were commonly deserted by the clerks and the priest alike. Some bishops
used the authority which was given to them, and caused a seat to be made
in the body of great churches, where the minister might sit or stand, and
say the whole of the Divine Service; or in smaller churches, a convenient
seat outside the chancel door.26 This
in turn became the general custom: and the Canons (1603) direct a convenient
seat to be made for the minister to read service in, ‘in
such place of every church as the bishop of the diocese, or ecclesiastical
ordinary of the place, shall think meet for the largeness or straitness
of the same, so as the people may be most edified.’27 The
Canon thus forms a commentary on the meaning of the rubric, which was retained
at the last revision (1661), as a sufficient guide to the minister, all
mention of Puritan innovations being avoided, and the’ final direction
being left in the hands of the bishop of the diocese.
Prayers to be said in the accustomed place of the Church, Chapel, or Chancel.
The accustomed place.
|(2) What should be
the dress of the minister? At the end of the Book of 1549 was placed the
chapter, now forming a part of the Introduction, ‘Of Ceremonies,’ with
notes for the more plain explication and decent ministration, of things
contained in this book,’ couched in the following terms. ‘In
the saying or singing of Mattins and Evensong, Baptizing and Burying, the
minister in parish churches and chapels annexed to the same shall use a
surplice. And in all cathedral churches and colleges, the archdeacons,
deans, provosts, masters, prebendaries, and fellows, being graduates, may
use in the quire, beside their surplices, such hood as pertaineth to their
several degrees which they have taken in any university within this realm.
But in all other places, every minister shall be at liberty to use any
surplice or no. It is also seemly that graduates, when they do preach,
shall use such hoods as pertaineth to their several degrees. And whensoever
the Bishop shall celebrate the Holy Communion in the church, or execute
any other public ministration, he shall have upon him, beside his rochette,
a surplice or albe, and a cope or vestment, and also his pastoral staff
in his hand, or else borne or holden by his chaplain.’ Also
the officiating priest at Holy Communion was instructed28 to
wear ‘a white albe plain,
with a vestment or cope,’ and the assistant priests or deacons, ‘albes
with tunicles.’ And on Litany days though there be none
to communicate, the Priest shalt put upon him a plain albe or surplice
with a cope and say the ante-communion service.29
for the Priest at Communion.
|In the Second Book of Edward
VI. these ornaments were reduced to the smallest possible amount; it was
then ordered,30 ‘that the minister
at the time of the Communion, and at all other times in his ministration,
shall use neither alb, vestment, nor cope: but being archbishop, or bishop,
he shall have and wear a rochette: and being a priest or deacon, he shall
have and wear a surplice only.’
||Vestments ordered in the Second Book of Edward VI.|
|The rubric in Elizabeth’s Prayer
Book echoed the clause on this subject in her Act of Uniformity and referred
to it: the present rubric is a modification of the Elizabethan rubric,
retaining its provisions in spite of Puritan opposition, but following
more exactly the terms of the Elizabethan Act.
The Elizabethan Book.
|Two difficult questions arising
out of this have been of late years the subject of much discussion; the
first concerns the general meaning of the rubric as governing, the ornaments
of the church as well as those of the: minister: the second refers only
to the latter — the vestments.
|First. It is doubtful whether
the words such ornaments. . . . as were in this Church
of England by the authority of parliament in the second year of the reign
of King Edward the Sixth refer to the state of things under the First
Prayer Book or to that immediately anterior to the issue of that book.31 The
distinction is not one of very great importance,32 but
the second question is more vital.
||The date referred to.|
The twenty-fifth clause in the Elizabethan Act provided for the retention of the ornaments ‘until other order shall be taken therein by the authority of the Queen’s majesty with the advice of’ the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, ‘or of the Metropolitan of this realm.’ The question arises whether further order was formally taken or no in this respect.
What is certain is that this clause and rubric were not fully enforced:
the ornaments were retained, but a considerable number even of those
specified expressly in the First Prayer Book were never put into use,
and were ultimately defaced and made away with.33 The
well-known letter of Sandys34 shows
that in some influential quarters there was no intention that they should
be used. The Bishops found that, in face of violent Puritan agitation,
to exact the bare minimum of surplices with hoods in parish churches,
and copes in cathedrals, was a task which would strain their power to
the utmost: as early as 1560, by the time of the issue of the ‘Interpretations’35
they had determined with regard to vestments not to demand in practice
more than these; and this policy found a more authoritative expression
in the Advertisements of 1566.36
|Was the rubric superseded|
|by the Advertisements?|
|These were issued by Parker and
five of the southern bishops in accordance with a royal command contained
in a letter of January 25,1564-5. If ‘other order’ was taken
in this matter it was through these Advertisements and the Canon of 1604
which quoted them.37 In that case the
Edwardine vestments must be held to have been abolished by an authority
based upon and equivalent to the authority of parliament; and to have remained
so at any rate till 1661. If, however, these Advertisements had not the
full and formal authority provided in clause 25 of the Elizabethan Act,
they were powerless to override it; and whatever the Bishops might do or
not do as a matter of policy, could not affect the statutable legality
of the Edwardine vestments.
|This is a very intricate historical
point: and there remains also the further question, whether the re-enactment
of the rubric by the Caroline Act of Uniformity did or did not restore
the vestments, if they had been in fact abolished by the Advertisements.
This question is mainly a legal one.
|It is impossible here to discuss
the whole problem, but it is evident that the Edwardine vestments remain
legal, unless it can be proved that the Advertisements were such a formal
taking of further order under the section 25 of the Elizabethan Act as
to abrogate the use of all vestments except those expressly enforced by
the Advertisements. It is open to grave doubt whether this· can
be proved. The method by which the Crown took action under the Act is most
clearly known from the two, undoubted instances of the use of the similar
authority granted to the Crown in section 26, which took place in 1561
and 1604;38 there is no trace of any procedure
at all analogous to this in the case of the .Advertisements: moreover, in
those two instances, as soon as the further action had been taken, the Prayer
Book was altered in accordance with it: but the ornaments rubric has never
been altered in accordance with the terms of the Advertisements.39 Without
going into further detail40 these two luminous
and undisputed facts seem to show that the Advertisements had only such force
as belonged to episcopal action backed by the general authority of the crown: — that
is to say, an overwhelmingly great force, positively, to enforce
some vestments (which were already prescribed by the rubric and clause of
1559), but no force at all, negatively, to
bring to an end the rubric and clause about ornaments, or to abrogate such
other vestments as were there prescribed.
and legal problem.
The method of ‘taking further order.’
|Again, with regard to the further
question of the bearing upon this of the revision in 1661; even if the
Advertisements be held to have abrogated the use of all other vestments
but those which they enforced, for the whole period up till the changes
at the Restoration, it is difficult to escape the argument that the Act
of 1662, in authorizing the present rubric, did in fact revive the provisions
of the Elizabethan Act and abrogate whatever changes the Advertisements
may be supposed to have introduced, thus restoring the legal position of
the Edwardine vestments.
||Action in 1661.|
|On the other hand it must be
noted that-the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council has twice41 come
to the conclusion that (i) the Advertisements were a further taking order
within the meaning of the Act, so that: the cope, surplice, scarf, and
hood were the sole legal vestments from 1566 to 1662; and (ii) that at
the latter date the intention and effect of the legislation was only to
restore the status quo before the Rebellion. Such an opinion, of learned
judges such as Lord Hatherley, Lord Cairns and Lord Selborne, must be taken
into account in weighing the evidence, even by those who cannot in general
recognize Privy Council Judgments as authoritative decisions of a proper
Church Court, and although in this particular instance the final judgment,
with the circumstances attending it, was very severely criticised at the
time and has become generally discredited since.42
3) What should be the ornaments of the church? The answer to this question depends partly upon the view which is taken on the first of the two difficult questions already discussed. If it is held that the rubric refers to the year preceding the Prayer Book of 1549, then a large number of ornaments are authorized, and these are to be ascertained by ecclesiological enquiry.43
If, on the other hand, It be held that the rubric refers to the First
Edwardine Book, the number of ornaments there ordered by name is exceedingly
small and comprises only the following: Bible, Prayer-Book, Altar, Book
of the Homilies, Poor Men’s Box, Corporas, Paten, Chalice, Font, Bell,
Quire Door, Pulpit. Besides these ornaments the use of others is implied,
such as cruets for wine and water, and also for oil in anointing, a pix
to carry the Blessed Sacrament to the sick, a lectern, pews or seats
of some kind, &c.: and some are expressed by name in the present
Prayer Book and must be added to the minimum list of ornaments contemplated;
such as Alms bason, Flagon, and two fair linen cloths, the one to cover
the altar, and the other to be placed over the Sacrament after the Communion:
others are mentioned in the Canons. But even after all such additions
have been made (which in themselves sufficiently refute any strict or
narrow interpretation of the rubric), this list is so manifestly incomplete
that it is clear that, if the rubric is interpreted as referring to the
ornaments of the Book of 1549, it cannot be strictly interpreted, but
must be held to sanction other things besides those specified by name.
Ornaments of the church:
Even the most restrictive must be liberally interpreted.
The further question then remains as to how far other things are held to be covered by the rubric. It is all a question of degree and of expediency: for the last’ half century the tendency has been to make the rubric (so interpreted) increasingly elastic, and to extend it to cover an increasingly large number of ornaments.44 Finality in such matters is probably not desirable, but whether that be so or not, it certainly has not been attained.45
§ 1. The Sentences, Exhortation, Confession, and Absolution.
|This commencement of our service
was prefixed in 1552 to the older formularies. Reference has been made
for its supposed original to the forms of worship used by . the French
and German congregations in England, and severally drawn up by Valerandus
Pollanus and; John à-Lasco.46 But
if the idea of placing a confession at the opening of the service was taken
from the book of Pollanus, the peculiar doctrines of the French Reformers
were carefully avoided.47 This addition
to the old service may be explained, however, without a distinct reference
to these foreign forms. It was a time when sound exhortation was greatly
needed, but when it was not wise to leave much to the uncertain care or
discretion of individuals; and just as Homilies were provided to be read
by those priests who were not allowed to preach, so addresses to the people
were put into the Prayer Book, wherever an exhortation was felt to be required
in the course of the services. This instruction, therefore, as to the necessity
of a daily confession of sins to God, and of a comfortable trust in God’s
promises of pardon to the penitent through faith in Jesus Christ, — the
great subject of the teaching of the Reformers. — was
naturally placed at the beginning of the daily prayers, and expressed in
words suited to bring home religion, as a personal matter of continual obligation,
to each man’s conscience. Further, in preparing the English prayers
in 1549, the mediæval forms of mutual confession and absolution,
which occurred in the latter part of the services of Prime and Compline,
were entirely omitted, and nothing was put in their place. Hence it became
necessary, in revising the services in 1552, that this defect should be
supplied; and the present forms were accordingly composed and brought into
a much more suitable position for the present purpose at the opening of
the service, thereby agreeing with the second edition of Quignon’s
Breviary and with similar arrangements in the services of foreign reformed
Opening of the present service.
Reason of this addition in 1552.
|The texts from the Old and New
Testaments fitly represent the necessity of repentance and confession of
sin under the Old and the New Dispensation.
|It has been well observed49 that
some of them contain support for the fearful, and are designed to prevent
that excessive dread of God’s wrath which hinders the exercise of
devotion (3, 10, 7); some are designed to strengthen faith in God’s
mercy, and thus to comfort the despairing (4, 6, 9); some to inform the
ignorant, who think either that they have no sin, or that a slight repentance
will procure pardon (11, 1); some to rouse the negligent to the duty of
immediate repentance (2, 8); and one to reprove the merely formal worshipper
Rationale of the Sentences,
|The Exhortation connects the
Sentences with the Confession: it derives the necessity for this duty from
the Word of God, shows that the present time is most suitable, teaches
the manner in which it should be performed, and invites to its performance.
Its expressions are adapted to instruct the ignorant, to admonish the
negligent, to support the fearful, to comfort the doubtful, to caution
the formal, and to check the presumptuous, — tempers which are found in
every mixed congregation, and which ought to be prepared for the solemn
work of confession of sin.
The form provided for this purpose is called a ‘General Confession.’ It is general, because it is expressed in general terms, referring to the failings of human life, which are common to all men, and which may and ought to be confessed by all, without descending to particular sins, of which perhaps some of the congregation may not be guilty. It consists of three parts, besides the introduction, or address to God: the first, a confession of our sins of omission and commission; the second, a supplication of pardon for the past, and the third, a prayer for grace for the future.
The manner in which the Confession should be said is distinctly marked,
because it differs from the manner. customary in the older services of
Prime and Compline: there the Confession was said by the principal person
present, and the prayer of absolution following his confession was said
by all present: then vice versa the congregation said the Confession
and he the absolution, adding as well a further prayer of the same sort.
By the rubric of the Prayer Book the Confession is to
be said of the whole congregation after the minister; i.e. the minister
is to say each clause, and then the people repeat that clause after him.51 The
manner of saying the Lord’s Prayer is different; that is to be
‘with him,’ the people repeating the clauses simultaneously
with the minister.
|The Absolution also differs not
only in form but also in scope from the form in the old offices: there
it was in the form of a prayer suitable. to be said by all alike in mutual
interchange: but here it is declaratory and ministerial: the change is
emphasized by the rubric. Until the Hampton Court Conference, it ran thus:
The Absolution, to be pronounced by the minister
alone: the explanatory
words, or Remission of sins,52 were
added at the revision after that Conference, for the satisfaction of some
who thought that the word ‘absolution’ was
only popish. At the last revision, the word priest was substituted
minister, on which word the Puritans had sought to build an argument
against the use of ‘priest’ at all: and a direction was adapted
from the Scottish Book that he should stand while the people kneel.53 This
alteration shows the intention of the Church to be that deacons may read
the prayers,54 but that only one in priest’s
orders may pronounce the absolution. When a deacon therefore is saying
the prayers, and a priest is also present, and in his place in the choir,
the most proper course appears to be, that the priest should stand, when
the Confession is ended, and pronounce the, Absolution, while the deacon
continues kneeling, and ready to proceed in leading the people in the
Lord’s Prayer and the petitions which follow it. But when no priest
is present, the deacon should continue kneeling after the Confession,
and proceed to the Lord’s Prayer.
The Absolution contains four particulars: (1) a general declaration
of the mercy of God to returning sinners, and (2) of the authority committed
to His ministers to pronounce pardon to the penitent; (3) the declaration
of that pardon on condition of true faith and hearty repentance; and
(4) an admonition to ask the help of His Holy Spirit to enable us to
perform those conditions, that the pardon pronounced in His Church on
earth may be effectual to our eternal salvation.
and the Absolution.
Not to be said by Deacons.
It will be observed that the word Amen is printed at the end of the Confession; but that the first rubric directing it to be said by the people at the end of all prayers occurs after the Absolution, According to a later custom, which has no authority in The Book Annexed, the Amen is printed in a different type at the end of the prayers. In these, the minister says the Prayer, or the Collect, and then stops, while the people answer their Amen. In other parts, as the Confession, Lord’s Prayer, Creeds, which are repeated by the minister and people, there is no such difference; and the minister goes on and says Amen himself, thus directing the people to do the same. In the alternating portions, as at the end of the Gloria Patri, the word is printed in the same character thus directing it to be said by the same persons who have said the ‘Answer’ of the Gloria, as being a part of that ‘Answer.’
§ 2. The Old Introduction.
We come now to the point at which the old Latin Service began. This
is indicated in the original MS. of 1661 by two lines drawn across the
page to make a clear division, but they are constantly omitted by modern
printers.55 In 1549, as little alteration
was made in the form of the service as was consistent with reformation
of doctrine. Hence the Mattins and Evensong continued to begin with the
Lord’s Prayer: the Ave
which had only been introduced into that position comparatively lately,
was omitted, and the priest was directed to say the Lord’s Prayer
with a loud voice, instead of, as before, repeating it inaudibly as part
of the private preparation which each one said to himself before the
service began. The first allusion to its use at the beginning of the
Hours comes from S. Benedict of Aniane (810), who ordered his monks thrice
a day to go round the altars and say at the first the Lord’s Prayer
and Creed, i.e. before Mattins and Prime and after Compline.56 In
the Sarum Breviary it was preparatory to the service,57 and
after it the priest began the service with the versicles. The same method
is now provided for by the rubric, which since 1661, has directed an ‘audible’
voice instead of a ‘loud’ voice; the intention clearly is
that all the introductory part of the service up to the V. O
Lord, open Thou our lips should be said audibly and congregationally,
but quietly without monotone or singing.
The Lord’s Prayer.
The direction that the people should join in repeating the Lord’s Prayer in this place was added in 1661. Previously it had been said by the minister alone on its first occurrence in the Morning and Evening Prayer, and in the Communion Service; and (since 1552) by the minister, clerks, and people, when it occurred afterwards; unless indeed, as is very probable, the rubric of The Book of Common Praier Noted (1550) shews a contrary custom to have prevailed: it has here ‘The Quere wyth the Priest.’
In 1661 a further change was made, following the Eastern, in opposition
to the Western use, by the addition of the Doxology58 at
the conclusion of the prayer in this and in some other parts of the services.
This forms no true part of the text of the Gospels, but is found as early
Didache. It has great liturgical value, and there is special
reason for its insertion in this place, where the Lord’s Prayer
immediately follows the Absolution, and the moment is one of praise.
|To be repeated by the people.
The Versicles have certainly been used since the sixth century. The first is taken from Ps.li. 15, and under the old system was peculiar to Mattins, as being the first Hour of the series. It was not prefixed to Evensong till 1552, when both it and the following were put into the plural number, instead of the singular.59 It was originally prescribed for use on first waking. Similarly, the second versicle with its response is drawn from the opening verse of the 70th Psalm, which was originally repeated entire on waking or on the way from the dormitory to the church, and then concluded with Gloria Patri.60 Hence arose the use of the ‘opening versicles. In 1549 this section was taken from the Sarum Breviary,61 but with two changes: (i) the Gloria was assigned to the Priest alone in the ordinary books, though not in the’ Noted’ edition: in the Latin service it was sung by all together and it was not until 1661, when the traditional use was lost, that it became a V and R: (ii) instead of Alleluia, to be said throughout the year except from Septuagesima to Easter, the following was ordered: ‘Praise ye the Lord. And from Easter to Trinity Sunday, Alleluia.’62 The Answer, ‘The Lord’s name be praised,’ was first inserted in the Prayer Book for Scotland (1637), and was placed in the English Book at the last revision in 1661, when the words Praise ye the Lord, which before, in accordance with all precedent, were said by the people, were assigned to the Priest, through the same misunderstanding which altered the preceding Gloria.
§ 3. The Invitatory and Psalmody
The 95th Psalm has been sung in the Western Church from a very remote
period, before the Psalms of the first nocturn.63 It
has been generally termed the Invitatory Psalm. It was very possibly
a new introduction by S. Benet into the services of the West, and passed
from thence to the Roman office, except for the last three days of Holy
Week and one or two other occasions where it still is wanting. The Invitatory was
a refrain sung before it, and repeated in part, or entirely, after each
verse.64 Therefore the rubric (1549)
directed Venite to be ‘said
or sung without any Invitatory,’65 and
the pointing of the psalm was assimilated to the rest of the Psalter, so
that it could be sung to the ordinary Psalm tones instead of its own peculiar
The Psalms follow according to the ancient custom; the changes from the mediæval services have already been explained, the chief one being that the whole Psalter is sung through ‘in course’ every month, instead of there being fixed Psalms appointed for certain services, and the remainder sung ‘in course’ every week. The Psalter thus becomes more generally known to the ordinary Sunday churchgoer, by the whole of it being used in turn in the Sunday services.
Arrangement of the Psalter.
§ 4. The Lessons and Canticles
The position which the Church gives to the reading of Scripture in the daily service commends itself to our reason. After confession and absolution, which may be called the preparation for worship, and psalmody, we are in a fit disposition to hear what God shall speak to us by His word. Two Lessons are read, one from the Old, and one from the New Testament; showing the harmony between the Law and the Gospel, and the unity of the Church under its two dispensations; the comparative darkness of the older prophetical and typical revelation being made clear by the history of the life of Jesus Christ, and preaching of His Apostles.
The ancient method of reading the Lessons has been already dealt with
above, and it has been shown that the recovery of continuous Bible reading,
which had been lost in the course of time from the Breviary services,
was one of the main objects of the revision of the Prayer Book: while
the appointment of two chapters at Morning and Evening Prayer, one from
the Old, and one from the New Testament, was itself a return to primitive
|For the first Lessons on ordinary
days the course begins at the beginning of the year with Genesis, and takes
the books of the Old Testament in their order, omitting, however, chapters
and books, which for this purpose are less useful. Isaiah is not read in
its order, but is reserved for the season of Advent, on the ground that
he is ‘the Gospel Prophet,’ and that his book contains the clearest prophecies
||First Lessons on ordinary days.|
|In the Kalendars of 1561 and
1661, and down to 1872, there were above fifty days for which Lessons were
appointed from the Apocryphal books, These are read, as they have been
read in the Western Church since the fourth century, ‘for example
of life and instruction of manners, but not applied to establish any doctrine.’68
The new Lectionary has Lessons from the books of Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus,
and Baruch, for twenty-one days.69
|The first Lessons appointed for
Sundays form a distinct yearly course of selected chapters from the Old Testament.
These are taken from Isaiah during Advent and Epiphany, and from the Books
of Job and Proverbs for the last three Sundays after Epiphany. Genesis
is begun on Septuagesima Sunday, which is the first step in the preparation
for Lent, and the point at which the Sundays begin to be reckoned with
reference to the coming Easter. This book, relating the original of our
misery by the sin of Adam, and the judgment of God upon the world, has
been read during Lent, as part of the instruction of Catechumens, from
very early times in the Christian Church.70 The
selections then proceed through the Historical and Prophetical Books.
First Lessons for Sundays.
|Another course is provided for
Holy Days: proper chapters are appointed, usually for the First and the
Second Lesson, which are suited to the Commemoration, either prophetical
of it, or, if possible, relating the history of it.71
||Lessons for Holy Days
|The Second Lessons are always
taken from the New Testament, so that, with the exception of the Revelation,
it is read through twice in the year. The order is interrupted only on
certain Holy Days which have their own proper history, appointed to be
||The Second Lessons.
|It is probable that,
from very ancient times, Psalms or Canticles have been intermingled with
the reading of Scripture in the public service, at the Hour Services, as
well as at the Eucharist, but as a rule these were variable from day to
day. In the Latin Mattins each of the Lessons was followed by a Respond:
these elaborate, compositions for solo and chorus, set to words appropriate
to the Lessons themselves or to the occasion, formed the bulk of the Roman
Romana) which was welcomed with such enthusiasm and sung with such
skill when introduced by the Roman mission to England. Unfortunately it
was too elaborate and magnificent for a popular and congregational service,
and consequently the whole of this rich treasure had to be sacrificed and
excluded from the Prayer Book. The principle, however, was maintained of
singing alternately with reading, and fixed canticles or hymns were appointed
after each lesson. The first of these is the hymn Te Deum
laudamus. In the Breviary
it is called the ‘Psalm Te Deum,’ or the ‘Canticle
of Ambrose and Augustine,’ from the old legend, that, at the baptism
of S. Augustine by S. Ambrose, it was improvised and sung alternately by
the two saints by inspiration. Recent researches have discovered the real
author in Niceta, missionary Bishop of Remesiana in Dacia at the end of
the fourth century. There is no extant testimony to its use earlier than
the Rule of S. Benet: by that time it was commonly known throughout Western
Christendom, 1 and sung at the end of the night-office. The rubric of the
Sarum Breviary appointed it at Mattins on Sundays and Festivals, except
in Advent, from Septuagesima to Easter, and on some other days. In 1549
it was ordered to be used ‘daily
throughout the year except in Lent,’ when, its place was to
be taken by
Benedicite.72 The exception was
omitted in the rubric of Edward’s
Second Prayer Book, but the Benedicite was retained as an alternative.
Te Deum laudamus.
The following is the Latin original, taken from the printed Sarum Breviary, which gives the text in a form which modern research seems to show to be very generally correct, except in the case of the one word numerari in V.21. This has no MS. authority at all, and only appeared by mistake for munerari for the first time in the Breviary of 1491; it was, however, unfortunately accepted by the Revisers of the Prayer Book, and has left its mark there.73
1 Te Deum laudamus,
14 Tu Rex gloriæ Christe,75
22 Salvum fac populum tuum Domine: et benedic
The hymn contains many phrases which are familiar from their occurrence elsewhere: a specially large part of the language is akin to the contestationes, or prefaces in Gallican liturgies.81 The verses from 22 onward do not properly form part of the hymn,82 but were originally suffrages83 in the form of versicle and response appended to it: many of these still appear in the like relation to the Gloria in exceisis in the Eastern office84 in a position analogous to that now held by the Te Deum in the West.85 This suggests the possibility that originally in the West the same was the case, but that when the Gloria in excelsis was transferred to the Mass, the Te Deum. was put in to fill the vacant place at Mattins.86
The hymn thus falls into two parts with an appendix: the first part
is twofold, comprising (a) a section, analogous to the Preface
and Sanctus in the liturgy, setting forth the praise of God the Father,
and (b) a
section which expresses the Church’s chorus of homage to the blessed
Trinity; the second part commemorates, like the liturgy, the work of
redemption through Christ, and bases thereon a prayer to Him for help;
while the appendix contains the versicles.87
|The ‘hymn,’ or ‘Psalm
or the ‘Song of the Three Children,’ is a part of the Greek
addition to the third chapter of Daniel. It was commonly sung among the-
morning psalms in the fourth century,88 and
some writers of that age speak of it as Scripture.89 S.
Benet prescribed it in his Rule under the name Benedictiones, and it reappears
in the later Gallican Rules. Thus it found a place both in the Roman and
the monastic office among the Psalms of Lauds, being specially allotted
to Sunday. It is easy thus to account for its selection as an alternative
Deum; Mattins, being ended with Te Deum, were immediately
followed by Lauds, beginning with Psalms, among which this Canticle was
sung.90 In 1549 it was ordered to be
used instead of Te
Deum during Lent.
In 1552 when a Psalm was added as an alternative to each Canticle, the
rubrics concerning Te Deum and Benedicite were altered,
as it appears, for uniformity, and these Canticles were to be used at
discretion, without being limited to particular seasons.
They are the only portions of the kind, appointed in the English Prayer Book, which are not taken out of canonical Scripture. Benedicite is especially suitable to the first Lessons of some particular days (e. g. Septuagesima Sunday and the twenty-first Sunday after Trinity), or as a substitute for Te Deum on Sundays during Lent; but its use on week-days in Lent is no longer required by the rubric, and it is not in itself as suitable for such a position as Te Deum, which contains humble prayer as well as joyful worship.
|In the old office, there had
been a short portion of Scripture called the Capitulum or Chapter,
read after the psalms of Lauds. It was rarely more than a single verse,
generally a text from the Epistle of the day. It was rejected from the
Breviary by Quignon, as part of his scheme of real continuous Bible reading,
and in the reformed English service, a chapter from the New Testament was
appointed instead of it to be read as a Second Lesson: thus, in the present
arrangement of the Lectionary, the New Testament is read through (except
The Revelation), once in the Morning, and once in the Evening Service.
|The Chapter at Lauds, in the
old offices, was followed by the Gospel Canticle which is still used after
the Second Lesson. The three Gospel Canticles had been appended to the
Psalter as the Hymn-book of the Church, together with the Old Testament
Canticles, at least as early as the middle of the IVth century, and they
figure in this position in the Codex Alexandrinus belonging to the Vth
century. The assignment of Benedictus to this position as the climax of
Lauds is ascribed, but not very confidently, to S. Benet.91 At
any rate when once so placed it has not moved. It was called in the Sarum
Breviary the ‘Psalm Benedictus,’ or the ‘Song
of the prophet Zacharias.’ In one
edition of Edward’s First Prayer Book, the rubric directing its use ‘throughout
the whole year’ describes it as a ‘Thanksgiving
for the performance of God’s promises.’ And as by singing Te
Deum after the Lesson from the Old
Testament we declare that the ancient promises were fulfilled in the incarnation
and atonement of the Saviour, and acknowledge the glory of the eternal
Trinity; so, after the Lesson from the histories of the New Testament,
we praise God for the fulfilment of His promises, in the inspired words
of the father of John the Baptist, which may almost be called one of the
earliest Christian hymns.
|At the revision in 1552 the 100th
Psalm was added in this place, to be used instead of Benedictus. It is
however both from the history of its appointment, and the words of the
rubric, that Benedictus should always be used, ‘except
when that shall happen to be read in the Chapter for the day, or for
the Gospel on S.
John Baptist’s day.’
§ 5. The Suffrages and Collects.
In the early forms of the Hour Services appropriate Collects were said at the close of each Psalm or Canticle and the service ended when the Psalmody and Lessons ended. This custom however disappeared, and perhaps by way of compensation short prayers, called Capitella, were added at the end for various purposes in the form of versicle and response. Some such prayers have already come under notice in dealing with Te Deum. Those at the end of the Gallican services formed in their old shape a developed litany of intercession and prayer, and at a later date they were combined with the, Kyrie, Lord’s Prayer and Creed, and ultimately adopted by the Roman rite.
This scheme of ‘suffrages’ was taken over from the Sarum service into
the First Prayer Book, but in 1552 the Creed was taken out of this place
and prefixed to the suffrages to be said aloud by all. It will be best:
therefore first to deal with the Creed and then to return to the question
of the suffrages.
|The Creed,92 belongs
properly to the Baptism Service: it was taught beforehand to the catechumens
as the symbol of the Church’s faith and rehearsed by them in the
hearing of the faithful at their baptism. This appears to have been the
earliest use of the forms which are still extant of the confessions of
faith of various churches or dioceses.
|The confession of faith in order
to baptism was at first of the simplest kind: ‘I believe that Jesus
Christ is the Son of God.’93 But
early heresies made it necessary to introduce more exact definitions, and
to formulate creeds dealing with the Three persons of the Blessed Trinity
in accordance with the Baptismal formula. Hence we have clear signs of
a creed as early as Aristides the Apologist.94 (circa
140), and again, towards the end of the second century, a declaration by
Irenaeus95 of the faith received from
the Apostles and their disciples, and also by Tertullian,96 in
the shape of an enlargement of some articles of the Creed. What is called
the Apostles’ Creed
is the old Roman baptismal creed; it is first definitely cited by Marcellus
of Ancyra in 341 in an early form, and is found again fifty years later
in the exposition of Ruffinus97 of Aquileia:
but it took shape as early as the middle of the second century. Enlarged
subsequently under Gallican influence, it did not reach its present form
till the VIIth or VIIIth century.98 What
is called the Nicene Creed is not the creed accepted at the Council of
Nicæa, but the baptismal
creed of the Church of Jerusalem modified through the insertion by S. Cyril
of the dogmatic terms sanctioned at Nicæa (325); it was probably
accepted as proof of S. Cyril’s orthodoxy by the Council assembled
at Constantinople (381), which also reaffirmed the original creed of the
Nicene, Council. Both of these forms, the original Nicene and the Cyrillian
Nicene, were received by the Fourth General Council at Chalcedon (451);
and from that date the latter ousted the former, and the present creed,
accepted by councils and called Nicene, appears to have become general.
This is still the Creed of the Eastern Church.
vult, or ‘Confession
of our Christian Faith, commonly called The Creed of St. Athanasius,’ has
been the subject of much discussion, as to the date of its composition,
the value of its dogmatic definitions, and the position given to it in
the Prayer Book. It is not a creed in the sense in which those hitherto
mentioned are creeds; it is rather a confession of faith which was written
in Southern Gaul early in the Vth century, and it has been used by the
Western Church as a Canticle since the VIIIth century.99
|The transference of the Creed
from the Baptism office for use in other services as well began in the
East. The constant repetition of the Creed in the Eucharistic Office was
first ordered as a safeguard against the Arian heresy, by Peter, called
the Fuller, bishop of Antioch (circa 471)100;
Alexandria followed suit soon after, and the example was also followed
by Timothy, bishop of Constantinople (511),101 where
till that date the Creed had been recited at the Liturgy only on Maundy
Thursday. At first the original Nicene Creed was in use in the East, but
it gave way before the present Creed, as did also all local forms of creed.
Of the Latin Churches, that of Spain first adopted this Creed and the public
use of it, for the same reason that had caused its use in the East, viz.
to bring the people back to the true faith after the Arian Gothic invasion:
the third Council of Toledo (589)102 ordered
that it should be sung aloud by the people before the Lord’s Prayer
was said.103 The custom slowly spread
through the Gallican Church for the same reason, especially in the time
of Charlemagne.104 Rome enjoyed the reputation
of being free from Arianism, and hence had not hitherto introduced the
Creed into the Liturgy. But at last, under external pressure, the singing
of the Nicene Creed was adopted into the Roman Liturgy (1014), in order
to assimilate the use of Rome with that of France and Spain.105 In
this country at an earlier date the Nicene Creed was sung at Mass, being
probably received from the Gallican Church.
Public Repetition of the Nicene Creed
began in the East,
and spread through the West.
|The Apostles’ Creed was
said several times over in the Sarum daily service. In this country we
find it as early
as the Anglo-Saxon times in the suffrages of Prime and Compline;106 and
it is from this use of it that it has come into its present position
in the Prayer Book; like the Lord’s Prayer, it was said privately
through, and then the last two clauses were repeated aloud in the form
of a versicle and response.
In 1549 the Creed was retained in English107 among
the suffrages, the rubric ordered that the priest108 should
say it with a loud voice, but the old treatment of the last clauses
was retained in the case of the Lord’s Prayer with the usual
musical inflection. In 1552 this order and method was given up in favour
of that now in use. The object clearly was to gain for the Hours a
public recitation of the Creed by all, similar to that prevailing in
|Th« Apostles’ Creed, how used in the Service of the Hours,|
Till then the only profession of faith that was sung publicly in the Hour Services was the Quicunque. In the Sarum Breviary it was appointed to be sung daily at Prime after the Psalms, and before the Prayers, and, as, has been stated already, this use goes back to the VIIIth century. The later tendency has been to restrict its use. Quignon, in his reformed Breviary, appointed the Athanasian Creed on Sundays, and the Apostles Creed on weekdays.110 In the Tridentine Breviary it is ordered to be used on Sundays only. In the American book it is omitted altogether.111
In 1549 the Athanasian Creed was appointed to be sung or said after
Benedictus upon the six festivals of Christmas, Epiphany, Easter, Ascension,
Pentecost, and Trinity. In 1552 seven Saints’ days were added to
these six festivals; so that this Confession of our Christian faith112 should
be used at intervals of about a month throughout the year.
|The Athanasian Creed sung publicly.
|Both minister and people are
directed to sing or say the Creeds, because they are the profession of
every person present. They are to be repeated standing, to express our
resolution to hold fast the true faith. The custom, prevalent in many churches,
of turning to the East while repeating the Creed, has no rubrical authority
nor any pre-Reformation precedent.113 It
was begun in Caroline times, partly in imitation of the practice of the
Jews, who always turned their faces in the direction of Jerusalem, towards
the mercy seat of the holy temple, when they prayed, and partly in imitation
of the early Christian ceremonies of Baptism, in which it was usual for
the catechumens to renounce the devil with their faces to the West, and
then turn to the East to make their covenant with Christ: the East, or
region of the rising sun, being the source of light. Hence the turning
towards the East became associated with Christian worship generally from
early times, but not till quite recently in any special sense with the
daily recitation of the Creed.114
||Ceremonies observed in repeating
Creeds: standing, turning to the East,
|Bowing at the name of Jesus has
been retained in repeating the Creed, even where it has been given up on
other occasions, as a symbol of adoration of the Divine Saviour.115 The
18th Canon (1603) gives the meaning of this custom, and prescribes the
bowing generally, and not only in the Creed.116
||and bowing at the name of Jesus.|
It has already been pointed out that the suffrages were in their origin a long and developed litany of intercession. The capitella were either triple, each consisting of a bidding, followed by a versicle and response, or else duple, each consisting of a bidding and a single response. In their fullest extant Western form they contain sixteen petitions of the first type. The first is
Let us pray for every condition in the Church.
Others follow in the same form ‘for our pastors, the King, his
children, our Abbat, the whole Catholic people, our brothers and sisters,
for peace, for travellers by land, by sea, persecutors and slanderers,
quarrelsome, penitents, almsgivers, the sick, the faithful departed,’ (with
a second versicle and response), followed by four clauses ‘for
our sins and negligences,’
and three ‘for our absent brethren.’117 Shorter
collections of the same sort existed side by side with this, besides
those for Prime and Compline which contained also the Apostles’ Creed.
The Roman service at this period ended as it seems with Kyrie118
and Lord’s Prayer,119 and when
there were appended to it such Gallican collections of the two kinds
of the capitella fused
together, there developed a regular type of suffrages, consisting of
(i) Kyrie eleison (ii) Pater noster, (iii) more or
fewer versicles and responses (the biddings of the triple capitella for
uniformity’s sake being usually dropped), and finally, as the climax,
(iv) a collect. This scheme reappears constantly throughout the later
mediaeval services. In the Sarum Breviary two such forms were in use:
(i) the schemes at Prime, and Compline, which though differing in detail
were alike in outline and use; (ii) the ferial suffrages used before
the collect on ferias at all the other Day-Hours.120
|In our present form, the mutual
salutation of minister and people, which is of primitive if not Apostolic
origin,121 together with the invitation
to prayer, instead of introducing the collect as in the old suffrages,
introduces the suffrages themselves. In its present position it marks the
transition to a new section of the service, and is a prayer that God will
hear the joint petitions of minister and people in the Versicles, and of
the minister as the voice of the people in the Collects that follow.
The Lesser Litany is the prelude to the Prayer, as the Doxology in its present connexion in our service may be said to be the prelude to the Praise of the service.122 Being addressed to each person of the Holy Trinity, by its three clauses, it fixes the object of Christian worship. In the old Latin Offices the Greek words Kyrie eleison were retained here, as at Mass, and each clause was usually thrice repeated. The direction that the priest shall stand to say the Versicles and Collect is continued from the mediaeval rubric.123 The Versicles seem to have been taken not directly from the suffrages of the Breviary, either those said daily at Prime and Compline, or those said at Lauds, the Lesser Hours, and Evensong on ferias, but rather from the following similar selection which was used in the form of ‘Bidding the Bedes,’ and was probably better known to the people at large than either of the forms in the Breviary:124—
Ostende nobis, Domine, misericordiam tuam :
These Versicles except the fourth and the last of the series, form our present suffrages: some alterations have been introduced from the text of the Psalms, from which they were originally taken,125 the second and third pair have been transposed, the fifth versicle is used in the shorter of the two forms in which it appears. The idea of the sixth is kept, but in view of the collect for peace which is to follow the old antiphon which was used with it in the ‘memorial for peace’ is substituted for the regular versicle.126 Similarly, in view of the collect for grace which is to follow, a new versicle and response is made and put in place of the Domine exaudi which in the old series paved the way for the collect, and is still retained in that position in the suffrages of Confirmation, Marriage, the Visitation of the Sick, and the Churching of Women.
A further change has been made in the method of saying the Lord’s Prayer.
In pre-Reformation times the Lesser Litany was said alternately by the
choir, the Lord’s Prayer was said silently and the officiant only began
at the penultimate clause, which he said as the first versicle, while
the choir responded with the last clause. Some part of this method was
retained in 1549: the recitation of the creed as well as the Lord’s Prayer
was ordered, but in a loud voice: the repetition of the final clauses
in the form of a versicle and response was prescribed in the case of
the Lord’s Prayer though not (as formerly) in the case of the Creed as
well. The whole plan was altered in 1552.
The Lesser Litany.
The Collects are not an ancient feature of the Hour Services: in early days each psalm was followed by private prayer, prostration, and a Collect summing up the private petitions: at a later date these disappeared and the element of prayer was represented only by the suffrages appended to the services other, than Nocturns: then the Lord’s prayer was added to these and then the Collect was borrowed from the Mass to form their close.
The Collect for the day occupies in one sense the same position in which it occurred in the unreformed offices at the end of Lauds; but in another sense its position is different, for it there formed the close of the service proper, whether preceded or not by suffrages: the Salutation and another Versicle followed and so the service ended. But, as has been stated already, on many occasions’ memorials’ were added varying from time to time. In place of these, two fixed Collects were adopted in 1549. The Collect for peace comes from the old Memorial for peace, said at the Lauds of the Blessed Virgin.127 The third Collect is the ancient ferial Collect for Prime.128 The relation of these to the preceding Versicles has already been explained: both of them are drawn from old Roman sources.
Collect for Peace.
§ 6. The Closing Prayers
Here the Order of Morning Prayer ended until the last revision in 1661. All the ‘five prayers’ except the second had been since 1559 appended to the Litany, and in the Prayer Book for Scotland (1637) a rubric was added after the third Collect of Morning and Evening Prayer, directing what is almost identical with our present usage.129 And in 1661 the present rubric and the five prayers were inserted.
The anthem though not mentioned before had long been customary: it was
common to sing an anthem or Antiphon after some of the services in pre-Reformation
times, especially to sing one of the anthems of the Blessed Virgin after
the Prayer ‘Lighten our darkness,’ which ended Compline.130 It
was natural therefore to do the like in the corresponding positions in
the Prayer Book Services, and it was specially authorised by the Elizabethan
|The earliest form of the Prayer
for the King’s Majesty that has yet been discovered occurs in
two little books which issued from the press of Berthelet, who was King’s
printer at the end of the reign of Henry VIII. and the beginning of
that of Edward VI.132
A prayer for the kinge.
O Lorde Jesu Christe, moste high, moste mightie, kyng of kynges, lorde of lordes, the onely rular of princis, the very sonne of god, on whose ryghte hande syttyng, doest from thy throne beholde all the dwellers upon earth: with mooste lowly hertes we beseche the, vouchesafe with fauourable regard to behold our most gracious soueraigne lorde kyng Henry the Eyght, and so replenysshe hym with the grace of thy holy spiritie, that he alway incline to thy wil, and walke in thy way. Kepe hym farre of frome ignoraunce, but through thy gifte, leat prudence and knowlage alwaie abound in his royall hert. So instructe hym, (O LORD IESV) reygnyng upon us in erth, that his humaine majestie alway obey thy divyne majestie in feare and drede. Indue him plentifully with heauenly giftes. Graunt him in health and welth long to liue. Heape glorie and honoure upon hym. Glad hym with the joye of thy countenance. So strengthe hym, that he maie vanquishe and ouercome all his and our foes, and be drede and feared of al the ennemies of his realme. AMEN.
In the Prayer Books of Edward VI. this prayer was not put into the Morning
and Evening Service; it was, however, placed in his reformed Primer (1553),133 as ‘the
fourth Collect for the King’ at Morning Prayer; another and
‘Prayer for the King’ being added to the Collects ‘for
Peace,’ and ‘for
Aid against all Perils,’ at Evening Prayer. At the revision
of the Prayer Book in the beginning of the reign of Elizabeth (1559),
this prayer was altered and shortened, and together with the Prayer for
the Clergy and People was placed before the ‘Prayer of Chrysostom’ at
the end of the Litany.
|Prayer for the King’s Majesty.
The Prayer for the Royal Family was added among the Collects at the end of the Litany, in 1604; approved, if not composed, by Archbishop Whitgift,134 and placed in the Prayer Book among the changes made by way of explanation, after the Hampton Court Conference, on the authority of James I. It was then entitled, ‘A Prayer for the Queen and Prince, and other the King and Queen’s children,’ and began with the words,—
Almighty God, which hast promised to be a Father of thine elect and of their seed, We humbly beseech thee to bless our gracious Queen Anne, Prince Henry, and all the King and Queen’s royal progeny: endue them, &c.
In the first Form of Prayers published by authority in the reign of
Charles I., being a service provided for a fast-day (1625), the words
‘the fountain of all goodness’ were introduced into this
prayer, and were continued in the Prayer Book published in 1627; for
the plain reason that the original clause was not thought appropriate
in the case of a sovereign who was at that time without issue. Afterwards
(1632) the clause was replaced, and Prince Charles and the Lady Mary
were mentioned in the prayer. In the following year, however, — the
first year of the primacy of Laud, — the clause was again and finally
removed. The inconvenience was thus avoided of continually altering the
language of the prayer.135
|Prayer for the Royal Family.
for the Clergy and People followed the Litany in pre-Reformation
days, and so came naturally into the like position in the English Litany
of 1544; it is found as early as the old Roman Sacramentary called Gelasian.136
||Prayer for the Clergy and People.
The Prayer of St. Chrysostom is found in the Liturgies of S. Basil and S. Chrysostom; the composition of it cannot be ascribed to either of those fathers, but the prayer forms part of the Byzantine Liturgy from at least the ninth century onward, and Cranmer no doubt put the heading because he took it from the Liturgy of S. Chrysostom.137
This prayer was placed at the end of the Litany, when that service was
revised by Cranmer in 1544; it seems likely that he had recourse to S.
Chrysostom’s Liturgy primarily for help in drawing up the Litany;
and that, finding this prayer in close connexion with the Deacon’s
Litany there, he translated it and used it as the closing prayer of the
|A Prayer of S. Chrysostom.
The Latin Hour-Services ended with the Salutation 2 and a versicle and response:—
To which was added in some uses a prayer for the repose of the faithful departed. These were not taken over in 1549, and the services ended abruptly: the ‘Grace’ was first added as a conclusion to service in ‘The Litany used in the Queen’s chapel’ of 1559:139 thence it found its way as the fifth of the five prayers into the Elizabethan Prayer Book. It is found in Greek Liturgies in a very different connexion, viz., before the Sursum Corda from the fourth century onwards,140 but there seems no reason to suppose that this had any connexion with its introduction into the Prayer Book here.
VI. Evening Prayer.
The order for Evening Prayer or Evensong was formed, as we have seen, upon the ancient offices of Evensong (Vespers), and Compline, but assimilated to the scheme of the Morning Prayer of the Prayer Book. No invitatory was needed, but otherwise the structure has been identical in both cases since 1552, when the opening versicle, formerly peculiar to Mattins, was prescribed for Evensong also. The Sentences, Exhortation, Confession, and Absolution were appointed, as at Mattins, in 1 552 to be said before the commencement of the older service; but this part was not printed at the beginning of Evening Prayer until the revision of 1661. The first lesson occupies the place of the, Chapter at Vespers, followed by Magnificat, which has been sung at Vespers since the time of S. Benet, who probably gave it that position.141 Our second Lesson occupies the place of the Chapter at Compline, which, after a hymn that is omitted, was followed by ‘The Song of Simeon’ this has been treated as a canticle from very early times,142 it has never formed part of the Benedictine Compline, and therefore its position in the secular Compline is probably subsequent to the time of S. Benet, and the tradition which ascribes its insertion to S. Gregory may be a true one.143 The Canticles thus inserted occupy a most significant place in our service. After reading the Old Testament, we have the Song of Mary, testifying to the fulfilment of God’s promises of mercy to the fathers; and after reading the chapter from the New Testament, and there beholding how the promises were fulfilled in the propagation of the Gospel among the Gentiles, we express our readiness to receive that Gospel for ourselves, in the Song of the aged Simeon, and our faith that by so doing we shall have peace in our death, of which every night brings a type in sleep. These two canticles only were appointed in 1549. In 1552, probably for uniformity with the corresponding part of the Morning Prayer, and still retaining the ancient rule that Psalms and reading of Scripture should be alternated, the 98th and the 67th psalms were appointed’ to follow the first and second Lessons, at the discretion of the Minister, unless either of them had been read in the ordinary course of the psalms. They had not been sung among the psalms of Vespers or Compline.144
The rest of the service has the same history as Mattins, except the
two fixed Collects. In the old system the services began with the Evensong
on the preceding night. A survival of this is found in the rubric placed
before ‘The Collects, Epistles, and Gospels,’ which orders
that the Collect for the following day (according to our modern reckoning)
is to be said on the evening before every Sunday and any Holy Day that
has a Vigil or Eve.145
Structure as at Mattins.
The Second Collect, for Peace, is from the old Roman storehouse, and occurs in the Gelasian Sacramentary. In the Sarum Breviary-it was the fourth Collect after the Litany, as well as the Evening Memorial for peace.146
The Third Collect, for Aid against all Perils, which is also
in the Gelasian Sacramentary, is the invariable Collect of Compline in
the Sarum Breviary.147
|There is a close resemblance
between these ancient daily Collects of Morning and Evening Prayer. In
the first of each pair, the subject of petition is the same, but the words
are different, and suited to the respective seasons. We ask outward peace
in the morning, to secure us against the troubles of the world; and inward
peace in the evening, to comfort and quiet our minds when we are to take
our rest. In the second of each pair of Collects, we ask in the morning
grace and guidance to direct us in our duty; and in the evening, light
and aid, when we are passive or unconscious. The metaphor of light, according
to Scriptural usage, will include the two ideas of knowledge and of comfort.
We therefore pray that our understanding may be enlightened to perceive
the sleepless providence of God, and our hearts cheered with the assurance
of His love.
||The fixed Collects.
The direction for an anthem properly belongs more to Evensong than to Mattins.148 In the latter part of the XVIIth Century and the beginning of the XVIIIth the custom was growing up of singing a metrical psalm or hymn in parish churches at this point: the earlier custom prescribed this immediately after the Second Lesson; and the like again at Morning Prayer between the ‘First’ and ‘Second Service,’ i.e. the equivalent of the anthem or Sanctus, which was sung there ‘in quires’ in place of the old Introit.149 The modern hymn has followed these, precedents, adopting the later custom in Morning and Evening Prayer: to follow this analogy is natural enough. but on liturgical and practical grounds alike the hymn, would be more suitably placed at the end of the introductory part of the service.
|Psalms and Hymns.
1 Dan. vi. 10; Ps. cxix. 62, 148; 164.
2 Acts 11. 1, 15; iii. 1; x. 3, 9, 30.
3 See the collection of passages in Pleithner, Aelteste
Geschichte des Breviergebetes, or in Baumer, pp. 41 and ff. Batiffol, History
of the Roman Breviary, ch. 1.
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4 The growth of monasticism exercised a very large influence on the development, as has been already mentioned. (Above, p. 313.) At first the, ‘religious’ of both sexes, other than hermits, lived at home and went to the churches for their devotions, and thus their private prayers became joint and public prayers. Then the clergy began to take an increasing part in the Hours. Meanwhile convent life was devised, and with it came a great enlargement of the system of Hour Services: this again further affected the clergy, who were not willing to be left behind in the course of progress, but were obliged to adopt the new ideas. Thus the system became obligatory upon clergy as well as characteristic of monasticism, and ‘secular’ schemes took their place side by side with monastic schemes of service, and derived from them, while the old rudimentary services of the clergy, such as are traceable, e.g, in the Hippolytean Canons, disappeared.
5 The exact line of connexion between the occasional vigil and the daily vigil cannot be very exactly traced, but it seems to have been due to these influences.
6 The whole of this history is very obscure, and most of these questions, such as the mutual relationship of secular and monastic services, as they in turn influenced one another, afford plenty of scope for conjectures, but very little for statements of established fact.
7 Cassian mentions the establishment at Bethlehem of a novelty in the
shape of a service at the first hour (Instit. Canob. I. iv. Migne P.
xlix. 126), but this does not seem to have really been the progenitor of
the later service of Prime, though from the similarity of name and time
it has often been so taken.
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8 The structure is altered at special times by omission or addition: such alterations need not now be taken into account.
9 See above, p. 314.
11 Prime and Compline do not vary the Capitulum from time to time, but
have a fixed Chapter and a fixed Collect.
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12 But Mattins and Compline had an additional opening versicle,
13 This versicle was afterwards looked upon as introductory to Lauds, but this seems to have been I due to a misunderstanding.
14 See below, pp. 386, 392 and ff.
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|15 See above, pp. 12 and ff.
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16 See above, Chapter II.
17 The Draft is printed in Gasquet and Bishop, Appendix II.
18 The seven services of the Latin Breviary were habitually, at this
time, said in two groups, so that the custom of praying actually seven
times a day no longer was in general use among the secular clergy. Hence
this action of Cranmer was an innovation in appearance more than in reality.
The Lutherans had experimented in the same way. and had already adopted
schemes of daily service derived from the Latin by a similar plan to
that which Cranmer adopted. Jacobs, p. 245, and Pullan, p. 160; and cp.
above, p. 90.
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|19 See below, p. 397.
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20 The introductory versicle Domine labia which had been peculiar to Mattins was prefixed to Evensong in 1552, and so the uniformity was made complete.
21 It is important to observe that though, historically speaking, the
structure of the Prayer Book Service is derived from the Breviary Service,
yet for all practical purposes the structure of the derived English service,
as it stands, is entirely different from that of the Latin services from
which it was derived. A single example will make this clear: the Latin
Vespers and Compline each of them work up to a Gospel canticle as the
definite climax of the service, and this crescendo is the structural
secret of each: but when these are combined in the English Evensong the
climax is gone, the crescendo ceases, and the clue to the structure of
the service must be sought elsewhere. It is, in fact, more analogous
to the old Vigil service, with its alternating lessons and chants, or
to the mediaeval Nocturns, than to its own immediate forbears.
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22 Above, p. 73. Cp. Hooper’s sentiment expressed in his fourth sermon on Jonah in 1550. Early Writings, pp. 492, 493·
23 Some seem to have made alterations without waiting for the direction of the ordinary: in 1564 Cecil complained of these irregularities; that some said service in the chancel, others in the body of the church, some in a seat made in the church, some in the pulpit, with their faces to the people. Strype, Parker, p. 152.
24 Printed in Perry, Lawful Church Ornaments, p. 276.
25 Doc. Ann. LXV. p. 325.
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26 Parkhurst’s Articles of Visitation for the Diocese of Norwich (1569). This is the first mention that we find made of a reading pew. Second Report of Ritual Commission, p. 404.
27 Canons (1603) 14 and 82.
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28 Fourth rubric before the Communion Office (1549)·
29 Very few of these vestments except the alb and its girdle, the chasuble,
stole and dalmatic go back to early times in the history of the Church.
Surplices and hoods date only from the later middle ages: the rochet
is a still later variant of the surplice. The chimere, which is now worn
by Bishops with the rochet, was not worn in church till after the Reformation,
but was the out-door walking dress of the bishop. The cope went through
the same transformation at an earlier date and passed from being a protection
against rain (pluviale) or cold to being an ecclesiastical vestment.
The alb worn with a chasuble, a dalmatic or a tunicle comes direct from
the ordinary dress of the Roman empire: the stole is a scarf of honour
worn as an addition to it: the maniple represents an original handkerchief:
the amice was probably introduced about the eighth century when vestments
became much ornamented and a protection was needed round the neck; at
a later period it was made also to serve as a head covering. The mitre
began as a specially episcopal headdress in Rome in the Xth century.
The black scarf or tippet was worn out of doors, by bishops with their
rochet (and chimere), by priests with their gown and square cap. A false
line of evolution has produced out of this a black or coloured ‘stole’
so-called, but worn not as a stole but as a scarf, with some spurious
points of assimilation to the old use of the stole. If this garment is
a stole, it is no more and no less legal than a chasuble, and it should
not be worn at Mattins or Evensong. If it is a scarf, or tippet, it has
a place of its own as the dress which is now prescribed for the minister
by Canons 58 and 74, but it should not be worn deaconwise.
30 Second General Rubric before Morning Prayer (1552).
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31 The traditional view refers the words to the First Prayer Book; but this was not in fact in use by authority of parliament till the third year of the reign. But the Uniformity Act of 1552 spoke of the Act of 1549 as ‘made in the second year,’ and other instances of a similar laxity of expression can be found in acts of parliament (Guardian for 1899, p. 695). On the other hand the clause on the face of it points to a certain year — the year before the introduction of the Prayer Book; it was so understood at the time by Sandys (Parker Corr. p. 65); and Queen Mary’s Act (I Mary, Sess. 2, c. 2) in the same way referred to a year and not to any book. The objection to this view is the difficulty which besets it of finding an adequate interpretation for the words by the authority of Parliament. The traditional view seems the more probable; the Act of 1559 merely copied the mistake of 1552 and so the error went on. But the rubric, even if it refers to the Book and not the year, covers more ornaments than the few expressly mentioned in the First Prayer Book. Such an admission must be made, unless it is contended that not only minor things such as cushions, hassocks, &c., but also greater things, such as organs or even the usual episcopal dress, are illegal. Which is absurd. See further on this subject below, p. 367.
32 Strype does not seem to have been justified in saying that Cranmer in 1550 wore his mitre at Ponet’s consecration (Cranmer, 253), but it is clear that other ornaments than those specified were used with the First Prayer Book. Thus the distinction is of little legal value, and in either case, ornaments other than those mentioned in the First Book must be recognized as legal.
33 Some were retained in use for a time, such as the grey almuces, which, though not mentioned in the First Prayer Book and actually given up in 1549, were retained for some time in Elizabeth’s reign in face of Puritan complaints, and were in use until prohibited by Canon 4 of 1571.
34 See above, p. 105.
35 Doc. Ann. i. p. 238.
36 Doc. Ann. LXV.
37 Canon XXIV. Previous Canons had also quoted them, but in those published
with the authority of Queen Elizabeth (1575) the quotation was cut out
before the publication was authorised. Cp. the case of the 4th Article
of 1584. Selborne, Liturgy of the Church of England, p. 25.
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38 See above, pp. 109, 141.
39 Nor was the practice of the Church altered: chasubles had not in fact been worn between 1560 and 1566, though prescribed. Only thenceforward the surplice and cope were more stringently enforced. But see Zurich Letters, II. ii. 77, where Beza in 1566 complains of chasubles.
40 It must be added, however, against this argument that Elizabeth herself
bears witness to another and earlier formal use of this authority, viz.
in the Orders appended to her Injunctions of 1559 on the questions of
the position of the Holy Table and of the use of wafer-bread. See Parker’s
Letter to Cecil, Jan.8, 1578, in Parker Corr., p. 375. This has an important
bearing upon the case, and hitherto it does not seem to have been taken
into account as it deserves to be from this point of view, though it
is a familiar point in the arguments as to the legality of wafer-bread.
See below, p. 500.
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41 Hebbert v. Purchas, 1871, and Ridsdale v. Clifton, 1877.
42 See Lord Selborne’s Liturgy of the English Church, pp. 12-28, in defence of the Judgment, and Parker’s reply Did Q. Elizabeth take ‘other order’ in the Advertisements of 1566? And for a recent discussion of the whole question, Talbot, Ritual, ch. III. Valuable information is collected in Tomlinson, Prayer Book, Articles and Homilies, ch. IV.
43 This view is that supported in Alcuin Club Tract, No. I, Micklethwaite’s
Ornaments of the Rubric; the enquiry is there made and a detailed list
given of the Ornaments which from that point of view are covered by the
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44 Episcopal sanction is now given to many things to which formerly it was refused, and even the Church Courts and the Privy Council have Come in time to declare legal some ornaments which previously they had declared illegal, such as a credence table. altar-cross, and coloured altar-cloths.
45 Some ornaments have been sanctioned which certainly are not covered by either view of the rubric, such as altar vases and hanging censers; and on the other hand chancel gates, which are expressly mentioned in the First Prayer Book, have been disallowed.
46 See above, pp. 86 and ff.
47 The followers of Calvin never lost an opportunity, especially in such
a form as a confession, of tracing our actual sins to the original corruption
of our nature; see the confession, above, p. 87, This notion is carefully
avoided in our forms of prayer. Other expressions are introduced, which
are contrary to the Calvinistic theory, such as the plea for mercy in our
confession, by reason of the promises of God declared
unto mankind by Jesus
Christ; and the declaration of the Divine mercy in the Absolution, — who
desireth not the death of a sinner. S Laurence, Bampt.
Lect. Notes, pp.
268 and ff. and 374.
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48 Cp. Hermann’s Consultation, fol. cc. ‘It is agreeable to religion that, as often as we appear before the Lord, before all things we should acknowledge and confess our sins, and pray for remission of the same.’
49 Comber, Companion to the Temple, I. 1.
50 In the American Prayer Book three additional Sentences (Hab. ii.
20; Mal. i. II.; Ps. xix. 14, 15) were appointed in 1792: and in 1889
others were added; differing for Morning and Evening Prayer, and most
of them adapted to special seasons of the Christian year.
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|51 This strict interpretation
of the words here is justified by tradition: but elsewhere where the direction
is equally explicit (e.g. at the Lord’s
Prayer after Communion) it has not traditionally been so strictly interpreted;
so it is doubtful how far such an interpretation is the true one, and
how far the tradition in its favour is trustworthy.
52 In some Prayer Books it is, The Declaration of Absolution, or — as to the Forgiveness of Sins.
54 The present practice arose in Elizabeth’s time (1559), from the necessity
of supplying some service to churches which had no parish priest, when
not only deacons but even some laymen were licensed by the bishops to
read the service. See the Articles, or promises subscribed by Readers,
Strype, Annals, I. 151; Cardwell, Doc.
Ann. I. p. 302, note. Lay-readers
were gradually discontinued; but the public ministration of deacons became
a general custom, and was recognised by the Act of Uniformity of Charles
II., which ordered (§ 22) that, when any Sermon or Lecture is to
be preached, the Common Prayers and Service appointed for that time of
day shall be openly read by some priest or deacon.
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55 The division at this point is not the best structural division; the old service proper does not begin till the first versicle: there are now prefixed to it new English preparatory devotions as well as the older Latin private devotion of the Lord’s Prayer. The real line to be drawn is after the Lord’s Prayer, not before it, if it really is to help to define the structure. The Lord’s Prayer is not an integral part of the Office here; the Lord’s Prayer which really belongs to the service is the later one which follows the Lesser Litany. See below, p. 393. The old traditional musical use confirms this real structural division, but of late years a bad custom has arisen of beginning the singing and monotone before the versicle, ‘0 Lord, open Thou our lips’: this not only obscures the structural division but is in itself ridiculously out of harmony with the general meaning of the words.
56 Vita, cap. 8, in Acta SS. Feb. 12 (iv. 618).
57 This use was introduced into Quignon’s Breviary (1535), and into
the Roman in 1568.
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58 Some ancient English versions, from the thirteenth century to 1538, are printed in Maskell’s Appendix to the Prymer, Mon. Rit. II. 238 [III. 248]. All omit the Doxology, according to the constant use of the Latin Church. It was inserted in a quarto edition of the Prayer Book in 1630, and in the Prayer Book for Scotland (1637). The form used in the Greek Church is:— “Οτι σου εστιν ‘η βασιλεια, και ‘η δυναμις, και ‘η δοξα, του Πατρος, και του Υιου, και του Αγιου Πνευματος, νυν, και αει, και εις τους αιωνας των αιωνων. ‘Αμην. Horologion, p. 1.
59 It is used so in the Mozarabic rite.
60 Baumer, pp. 259, 260. Cp. the Regularis Concordia of S. Ethelwold, cap. i. in Migne P.L. CXXXVII. 479 (attributed to S. Dunstan), or better in Anglia, XIII. 378. ed. Logeman.
61 Ad Matutinas dicat sacerdos Pater noster, et Ave
62 In the Western Church Alleluia is laid aside in penitential seasons.
The Greek Church uses it not only on days of gladness, but more constantly
on occasions of mourning and fasting, and burials.
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63 Strictly, perhaps, the portion to the end of the invitatories was regarded as introductory to the service. It is probable that the custom of prefixing one or two psalms to the Nocturnal Office was also connected with the desire to allow some little time for the clergy and people to collect, before the office began. S. Benedict (Regula, ix. xliii) appointed two psalms, the second being the Venite. Baumer 173. At Rome it was at first sung only on Sundays when the laity attended. Grancolas Comment. in Rom. Brev. I. 27.
64 The Venite represents the old responsorial method of psalmody: the psalm was sung by solo voices, the choir only sang the Invitatory, repeating it in full after the odd verses but only the second part of it after the even verses. See Sarum Brev. I. 18: and for a specimen printed out in full, Dowden Workmanship, p. 61. And compare additional note on p. 345.
65 In the rubric preceding Venite there is an instance of confusion between the ecclesiastical terms, reading, saying, and singing, which is found in other rubrics, which belong partly to the earlier Prayer Books, and partly to the last revision. At that time the phrase ‘to read prayers’ was coming into use — probably to distinguish the settled prayers of the Church from the extemporaneous effusions of Dissenters. See the rubric before the Prayer for the King’s Majesty (Morning Prayer), which belongs to this period; ‘Then these five Prayers following are to be read here, except when the Litany is read, &c.’ See also the rubric before the Apostles’ Creed; ‘Then shall be sung or said . . . except only such days as the Creed of S. Athanasius is appointed to be read:’ the latter part of this rubric was added in 1661. To say, however, does not necessarily mean to intone; a rubric of the Marriage Service, until the last revision, directed, ‘Then shall be said a sermon.’ The distinction intended by the rubrics is that which has been recognised since 1549, between ‘choirs and places where they sing,’ — churches where there are choral establishments, and where the service is chanted, — and ordinary churches, ‘where there be no clerks,’ and where the service is read. But in each case the XIVth Canon (1603) directs that the Common Prayer be ‘said or sung distinctly and reverently.’ See Robertson, How to Conform, pp. 139 and ff. ‘Cantare missam priscorum phrasi illi dicebantur, qui sine cantu et privatim celebrabant:’ Card. Bona, Rerum Liturgicarum, I. xiii. 5.
66 For these see the Tonal in Frere, Use of Sarum, vol. 11. Appendix.
In the American Book the Venite consists of the first seven verses of
Ps, xcv, with .Ps. xcvi, 9 and 13.
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67 S. Justin Martyr shows that at the Eucharist in the second century ‘the writings of the Prophets and Apostles’ were read. Apol. § 67 ; see p. 507. And for the Early Hour Services cp. Cassian, Inst. Cœnob. II. 6: ‘quibus [psalmis] lectiones geminas adjungentes, id est unam veteris et aliam novi Testamenti. . . .’
68 Hieron. Prologus in Libros Salomonis, Opp, vol. I. p. 692, eel. Paris, 1624. See the Sixth Article, and Gibson’s commentary on it in The Thirty-nine Articles.
69 In all editions of the Prayer Book up to 1661, directions had been
given as to the singing of the Lessons at the Morning and Evening Prayer
and of the Epistle and Gospel at the Eucharist. These were then omitted
partly perhaps because of Puritan objections (see p. 65) but more probably
because the traditional method had been forgotten. No directions are
given in either Clifford’s ‘Brief directions’, prefixed to his book The
Divine Services, or in Edward Lowe’s Short
Directions, which are the
two books which carried over the Cathedral traditions to the Restoration
period; and Bishop Wren records that the Lessons, Epistle and Gospel
were in his day nowhere sung. Fragm. Illust. 58.
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70 Chrysost. Hom. VII. ad Pop. Antioch. Opp, II. p. 100, ed. Par. 1838. Migne P. G. XLIX. 92. It is still so read in the Byzantine, Ambrosian, and Mozarabic rites.
71 There can be no difficulty in determining what should be read on
Holy Days when they fall in the week. For the fixed festivals (e.g. Circumcision,
Epiphany, &c.) no Lessons are appointed in the Kalendar; and therefore
on those days, and likewise on the moveable festivals and fasts (such
as Holy Week, Ascension Day, &c.), reference must be made to the
Table of Lessons proper for Holy Days. But when a saint’s day falls on
a Sunday, the case technically known as ‘occurrence,’ the precedence
may be regulated by the table given above, p. 346.
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72 The Benedictus es domine, the Mozarabic form of Benedicite, is sung daily in Lent according to that use.
73 There is also an important variation in verse 16, Tu ad liberandum mundum suscepisti hominem : but this is now recognised to be probably an Irish emendation.
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75 See Wordsworth, Te Deum (S.P.C.K.)
76 From Ps, xxvii. 9 (Vulgate).
77 (24, 25) Ps. cxliv. 2. The first of the versicles after the Δοξα εν υψιστοις — Καθ εκαστην ημεραν ευλογησω σε, και αινεσω το ονομα σου εις τον αιωνα και εις τον αιωνα του αιωνος. Horoiogion, p. 70.
78 (26) The second Greek versicle: — Καταξιωσον Κυριε, εν τη ημερα ταντη αναμαρτητους φυλαχθηνας ημας.
79 (27) Ps. cxxii. 3.
80 (28) Ps. xxxii. 22. The fourth Greek versicle : — Γενοιτο ,Κυριε
το ελεος σου εφ’ ημας, καθαπερ ηλπισαμεν επι σε.
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81 See Burn, Introduction to the Creeds, pp. 265-272.
82 Some MSS. indeed do not contain them, and the fact is confirmed by the evidence of literary style (see Burn, pp. 248 and ff.), and of the music, which ended at the same point. (See Dict. Hymn. 1131.)
84 This has been a morning hymn since the fourth century. See Apost. Const, vii. 47, and Pseudo-Athanasius De virginitate, 20: Migne, P.G. XXXVIII. 275.
85 These verses from the Psalms are taken from S. Jerome’s revision, which came into use in Gaul about the end of the fourth century. This makes the beginning of the fifth century the earliest date for these additions. In the body of the hymn it is the pre-Hieronymian version which is quoted, e.g. verse 17 aculeo not stimulo in 1. Cor xv, 55·
86 Cesarius prescribes both Te Deum and Gloria in excelsis with its capitellum or versicle. Regula ad mono xxi. in Migne P. L. LXVII. 1162, and fuller provision in the Regula xi. printed in Acta SS. Jan. 12.
87 For the whole subject see Burn, l. c. chapter xi. Dowden, Workmanship, ch. vii.
88 Pseudo-Athanasius, De Virginitate, l.c, Ruffin. Adv. Hieron. Lib. II. inter Opp. Hieron. (IX. p. 155, B. ed. Paris, 1623) IV. 448, ed. Bened. Paris, 1706; Chrysost. Quod nemo læditur, xvi. Migne, P. G. LI. 477.
89 Cyprian. De Orat. Dam. § 34. (ed. Hartel, i. 292);
Chrysost. Hom. IV. ad. Pop. Ant. § 3; τας ιερας εκεινας
ανεπεμπον ευχας. Migne, P. G. XLIX. 63. Jerome and Theodoret expound
it : Ruffinus (sup.
l. c. is very severe upon Jerome for denying its canonicity.
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|90 The pointing was altered
in transferring it to the Prayer Book, and a return was made to old custom
as represented, e.g., by the Bangor Antiphoner: in the later mediæval
method the refrain was sung only after the first verse, the last verse
and the two intermediate verses concerning the ‘the earth’ and ‘Israel.’
In other cases each verse was composed simply of a pair of invocations.
No Gloria Patri was sung, but in place of it the verse Benedicamus
Patrem et Filium cum spiritu sancto : laudamus, &c., with verse 56 of Dan.
iii. (modified) as a closing verse. The Benedicite appeared in this form
in English Primers and in services preparatory to the Prayer Book. Journ.
Theol. St. i. 238.
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|91 Baumer, 177. Grancolas, Comment
in Brev. Rom. i. 33.
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92 Called from the first word, Credo, in the Latin Church, as the Lord’s Prayer was called Paternoster, and the Psalms were known by the opening words. The legend that the Apostles, before they separated from Jerusalem, compiled the Creed called by their name, each one contributing a clause, may be dismissed from serious history. It first appears in Pirminius, a Frankish Bishop of the middle of the eighth century: but the general statement, that the Creed is a body of doctrine collected by the Apostles, is as old as the fourth century. The Creed is also called συμβαλον, symbolum — a proof of authenticity, or mark of recognition, as a seal-ring, a, watchword — the proof of orthodoxy: — some have derived this name from the legend above-mentioned (quasi συμβαλη, collatio), as the joint contribution of the Apostles, or as the sum of the Scriptural narrative (Cassian, De Incarn. Lib. VI. c. 3). See for this and for the whole subject Burn’s Introduction to the Creeds, pp, 282 and ff. and passim, and Sanday in Journ. Theol. Stud. I. 3.
93 Acts viii. 37. The passage is an interpolation, but it shows that a baptismal confession of faith was the practice of the early Church. ‘
94 Apology (Camb. Texts and Studies), p. 25.
96 Tertull. De Præscript. adv. Hæreticos, 13. Burn, pp. 35 and ff.
97 This Commentary of Rufiinus is printed in Heurtley De Fide et Symbolo, pp, 121 and ff., with many others of the ancient forms of Creed.
98 See Gibson, Articles No. VIII. for a good account of the Creeds.
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99 Baumer, 254.
100 Theodor. Lector. Hist. Lib. II. Πετρον φησι τον κναφεα . . . εν παση ουναξει το συμβαλον λεγεσθαι.
101 Ibid. p. 578: Τιμοθεος το των τριακοσιων δεκα και οκτω πατερων της πιστεως συμβαλον καθ’ εκαστην συναξιν λεγεσθαι παρεσκευασεν.
102 Concil. Tolet. III. cap. 2 (Mansi, IX. 993): ‘Constituit synodus, ut per omnes ecclesias Hispaniæ, vel Gallæciæ, secundum formam Orientalium Ecclesiarum, concilii Constantinopolitani, hoc est centum quinquaginta episcoporum symbolum fidei recitetur: ut priusquam dominica dicatur oratio, voce clara a populo decantetur; quo et fides vera manifestum testimonium habeat, et ad Christi corpus et sanguinem prælibandum pectora populorum fide purificata accedant.’ It will be noted that it is the Cyrillian formula, now called Nicene, but then called Constantinopolitan, which was adopted, not the Creed of the 318 Fathers of Nicæa, which seems never to have been used liturgically in the West, though well-known and actually recited as Nicene at Toledo. Gibson, Articles, I. 251. Cp. Bruns, i. 213.
103 This position was also ordered by the Emperor Justinian in 568, and is probably the original position in East as well as West. Burn, 114.
104 Walafrid Strabo, De Exordiis, xxiii. (ed. Knopfler, p. 62), but xxii. in Hittorp (Paris, 1624), col. 682.
105 Berno, De quibusdam rebus, II. in Hittorp, col. 701. Migne
P. L. cxlii, 1060.
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106 Thomson, Select Monuments, 142, 202; Durham Rituale (Surtees Soc.), 166, 181.
107 See English versions of the Creed, belonging to the thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, in Maskell, Mon. Rit. II. pp. 240 and ff. [III. pp. 251 and ff.]. And Dowden, Workmanship, pp. 95 and ff.
108 The rubric in Merbecke is The quere with the priest, followed by the Creed in full: — Ι believe in God . . . everlasting. Then, Our Father . . . against us, Priest: And lead us not into temptation. Answer. But deliver us from evil. Amen.
109 In the American book permission is given, to use the words, ‘He went into the place of departed spirits,’ instead of ‘He descended into hell.’
110 Brev. Quignon., pp. 3, 24.
111 And the Nicene Creed may be said in place of the Apostles’ Creed
at Morning or Evening Prayer.
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112 The addition, commonly called the Creed of St. Athanasius, was made in 1661, and also the explicit directions that it was to be said instead of the Apostles’ Creed, and by the Minister and people standing.
113 For the Sarum rules for turning to the East, see Frere, Use of Sarum, I. xvii. (13). The true survivals of the old ways are the turning for the Gloria patri and the Gloria in excelsis. Hierurg. Angl. 59, 366. There is less reason for turning at the Nicene Creed than at the Apostles’ Creed, and none at all for turning at the Quicumque.
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115 See Ellicott and Lightfoot’s notes on Phil. ii. 10.
116 ‘When in time of Divine Service the Lord Jesus shall be mentioned, due and lowly reverence shall be done by all persons present, as it hath been accustomed, testifying by these outward ceremonies and gestures their inward humility, .Christian resolution, and due acknowledgment that the Lord Jesus Christ, the true and eternal Son of God, is the only Saviour of the world, in whom alone all the mercies, graces, and promises of God to mankind, for this life and the life to come, are fully and wholly comprised.’ The same order was given in Queen Elizabeth’s Injunction LII. (1559): Cardwell, Doc. Ann. XLIII. § 52.
117 From a Rheims Psalter (882-885) at Corpus Christi Coil. Camb, MS. 272, printed with additions from other sources in Bäumer, p.611.
118 This expression was in its origin heathen. Arrian in the second century (Comment. Epicteti ii. 7) says, ‘τον θεον επικαλουμενοι δεομεθα αθτου, Κυριε ελεησον, επιστρεψον μοι εξελθιον.’ Evidence for its Christian use does not appear till the IVth century and then at the Liturgy and in the East: Apost. Const. VIII. 6, i.e. the Ektene (see below, p. 407) and Peregr. Silv. xxiv, 5. It was spreading from Rome through the West in connexion with the Hours also early in the VIth century. See Council of Vaison, Canon III. (529), Bruns, ii. 184. The Gallican Rule of Aurelian (c. 550) (Migne, P. L., LXVIII. 93) agreed with the Italian Rule of S. Benet in prescribing it, and made an advance upon previous regulations since it prescribed Kyrie, not only at Evensong, Mass, and Lauds, but at all the Hours. All this suggests that the Kyrie was somewhat of a novelty, and that its introduction to the West was probably not anterior to the middle of the Vth century. See Kyrie eleison, by Edm. Bishop (reprinted from the Downside Review, Dec. 1899, and March, 1900); also Baumer, 128, 154.
119 Joh. Diaconus, De Ecclesia Laterauensi, vii. Migne P.
L. CXCIV. The addition of the collect from the Mass was of later date. See
below, p. 396.
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120 Bishop, l. c., p. 15.
121 Cp. Ruth, ii. 4; John, xx. 19, 26. The Greek form is, Ειρηνη πασι. Και μετα πνεςματος σου. See Chrysost. Hom. III. in Coloss. Migne, P. G. LXXII. 322.
122 Historically speaking, its rationale is something quite different. See above, p. 393.
123 The officiant stood up only for the latter part of the ferial suffrages and for the Collect: at other times, when the ferial suffrages were not used, everyone remained standing till the end of the service and there was no kneeling. The words introduced into the rubric of 1661, all kneeling, refer not to the officiant but to the people: they are not inserted in the similar position at Evening Prayer. Such directions for the people were necessitated by the breach of tradition caused through the Great Rebellion and the suppression of the Prayer Book. Cp. p. 583.
124 Sarum Processions (Ed, Wordsworth), p. 23. Maskell, Mon.
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125 Ps. lxxxv. 7 , xx. 9; cxxxii. 9; xxviii. 9; li. 10, 11.
126 Maskell’s Prymer (circ. 1400), Mon.
Rit. II. p. 35 [III. 38]. King’s
Primer (1545), p. 469, ed. Burton. The connexion between this petition
and its response is not very obvious at first sight: the former evidently
supposes a state of war (and war seldom ceased in the rude times in which
this antiphon was framed); while the latter implies that God alone can
give the victory which will secure peace as its result. The American
Prayer Book formerly omitted all but the first and the last pairs, but
the recent revision has replaced all these Versicles in the Evening Prayer,
giving a new response to the petition for peace,— ‘For it is Thou,
Lord, only that makest us dwell in safety.’ The Commissioners of 1689
proposed to substitute for this response ‘an answer promissory of somewhat
on the people’s part of keeping God’s laws or the like, the old response
being grounded on the predestinating doctrine taken in too strict an
acceptation.’ See above, p. 209, and Cardwell, Conferences, p. 431.
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127 ‘Deus auctor pacis et amator, quem nosse vivere, cui servire regnare est: protege ab omnibus impugnationibus supplices tuos: ut qui in defensione tua confidimus, nullius hostilitatis arma timeamus, Per.’ Brev. Sar. i. II.
128 See the original of this, with the rest of the service above, p. 265.
129 ‘After this Collect ended, followeth the Litany: and if the Litany be not appointed to be said or sung that morning, then shall next be said the Prayer for the King’s Majesty, with the rest of the prayers following at the end of the Litany, and the Benediction.’
130 See Use of Sarum, ii. 234, 235.
131 Injunction XLIX. See above p. 106.
132 One of these books is entitled ‘Psalmes or
Prayers taken out of holye Scripture:’ the date on the title-page
being 1545 (though the border contains the date 1534), and that in
the colophon being July 2, 1545· The
book consists of xv. ‘psalms,’ made up of selected passages
from the Psalms and other parts of Scripture; at the end these are called ‘Finis
xv. Psalmorum,’ thus in appearance being intended as a devotional
substitute for the ‘xv. Psalms’ of the Primer. After
this come the xxiind and the cth Psalms; and then follow ‘A
prayer for the kynge,’ and ‘A prayer for
men to saie entryng into battaile.’
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133 At the end of the Primer (1553) were also placed ‘Sundry Godly Prayers for divers purposes; the first and second being the Collects for the King from the Communion Service, and the third being also a Prayer for the King, taken from Becon’s Flower of Godly Prayers, p. 19 (ed. Parker Soc.).
134 Cardwell, Conferences, p. 235.
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135 Laud’s enemies tried to hatch up out of this a charge against him of meaning to strike a sly blow at Calvinism. It was also urged against the archbishop, that political motives had caused him to omit the names of the Prince Elector Palatine and the Lady Elizabeth his wife,’ after 1632, when in fact other names were introduced of princes more nearly connected with the throne, and the general expression, ‘The Royal Family,’ was added to include all the remoter branches. Cardwell, Conferences, p. 234.
136 ‘Omnipotens sempiterne deus, qui facis mirabilia magna solus, prætende superfamulos tuos pontifices et super cunctas congregationes illis commissas spiritum gratiæ salutaris, et ut in veritate tibi complaceant perpetuum eis rorem ture benediction is infunde. Per.’ There has thus been an English version of it in the Primer since the fourteenth century: Maskell, II. p. 107 [III. 111]. It was somewhat altered in the Prayer Book for Scotland (1637); being entitled, ‘A Prayer for the holy clergy,’ and commencing, ‘Almighty and everlasting God, who only workest great and marvellous things: Send down upon our Bishops, Presbyters and Curates, &c.’ In the American Prayer Book the language was again altered, ‘Almighty and everlasting God, from whom cometh every good and perfect gift; Send down upon our Bishops and other Clergy, and upon the Congregations, &c.’
137 It is the Prayer of the third Antiphon (Ευχη ‘Αντιφονου γ’), after the Deacon’s Litany in the Missa Catechumenorum, and before The Little Entrance: Euchologion, pp. 49, 77 (Venice, 1862); Neale’s Liturgies, p. 118. See Brightman, Liturgies Eastern and Western, I. 317, 367.
138 Dowden, Workmanship, pp. 147, 227-229.
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139 Liturg. Services of Elizabeth, p. 17 (Parker Soc.). It is not printed in all the editions of the Prayer Book of that year. Ibid. pp. 75 and ff.
140 Liturgy of Apost. Const., Brightman, L. E.
W., p. 14.
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141 In the Eastern Church Magnificat is among the Morning Canticles; and one of the earliest traces we have of it in the West is in the Lauds Office of Aurelian (circa 540), Regula, Migne, P. L. lxviii. 393,
143 The Regularis Concordia shows that the Winchester monks used it on the days in the year when they said the secular office, cap. v. (ed. Logeman, in Anglia, XIII. p. 430.)
144 In the American book another alternative is added, made up of Ps.
CIII. 1-4. 20-22.
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145 A Vigil is a fast-day preceding a feast: an Eve is not necessarily a fast.
146 ‘Deus a quo sancta desideria, recta consilia et justa sunt opera: da servis tuis illam quam mundus dare non potest pacem: ut et corda nostra mandaris tuis dedita, et, hostium sublata formidine, tempera sint tua protectione tranquilla: Per.’ Brev. Sar. i. II; ii.254.
147 See the original Latin, p. 268. In the American Prayer Book this
Collect was altered thus: ‘O Lord, our heavenly Father, by whose
Almighty power we have been preserved this day; By thy great mercy defend
us from all perils, &c.’ The English form is restored in the
late revision in 1886. A rubric follows: — The Minister may
here end the Evening Prayer with such Prayer, or Prayers, taken out of
this Book, as he shall think fit.
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148 See above, p. 397.
149 Bisse, Beauty of Holiness, 95, 125.
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